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Ambassador Henry Morgenthau. 



[Frontispiece 



SErRETS OF THE 
BOSPHORUS 

By 

AMBASSADOR HENRY MORGENTHAU 

CONSTANTINOPLE, 1913-1916 
JVith 19 Illustrations 




LONDON: HUTCHINSON & CO. 
PATERNOSTER ROW ^ © 




f973 



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^- 



ERRATA 

Page 16, line 4, read " without " for with. 
Page 18, line 13, read " Mexico " for Turkey. 
Page 18, line 35, read " Humann " instead of Enver. 



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PRINTED IN GBBAT BRITAIN BY THE ANCHOK PRESS LTD. TIPTBEK ESSEX. 



PUBLISHERS' NOTE 

AMBASSADOR HENRY MORGENTHAU requires no 
introduction to the British public, but the. American 
diplomat who may with justice be termed The Search- 
light of Truth at the Golden Horn, and whose Reminiscences will 
rank now and in years to come as historical documents of the 
first importance, modestly obscures in his graphic and fascinating 
narrative one fact which requires emphasising : 

That by his shrewd grasp of enemy psychology, by his un- 
swerving impartiality, by his tact and dignity, and unflinching 
courage, he frustrated again and again the evil designs and 
machinations of that trio of arch-schemers and villains, Wan- 
genheim, Talaat, and Enver, against the Allies, and thus earned 
a debt of lasting gratitude from the British people. 



PREFACE 

BY this time the American people have probably become 
convinced that the Germans deliberately planned the 
conquest of the world. Yet they hesitate to convict 
on circumstantial evidence, and for -this reason all eye-witnesses 
to this, the greatest crime in modern history, should volunteer 
their testimony. 

I have therefore laid aside any scruples I had as to the pro- 
priety of disclosing to my fellow-countrymen the facts which I 
learned while representing them in ' Turkey. I acquired this 
knowledge as the servant of the American people, and it is their 
property as much as it is mine.- 

I greatly regret that I have been obliged to omit an account 
of the splendid activities of the American Missionary and Educa- 
tional Institutions in Turkey, but to do justice to this subject 
would require a book by itself. I have had to omit the story of 
the Jews in Turkey for the same reasons. 

My thanks are due to my friend, Mr. Burton J. Hendrick, 
for the invaluable assistance he has rendered in the preparation 
of the book. 

Henry Morqenth.^u. 
October, 1918. 



i 



CONTENTS 

PAOB 

A GERMAN" SUPERMAN AT CONSTANTINOPLE - I 

II. THE " BOSS SYSTEM " IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE 

AND HOW IT PROVED USEFUL TO GERMANY - 12 

III. " THE PERSON.^L REPRESENT.\TIVE OF THE 

KAISER " — WANGENHEIM OPPOSES THE SALE OF 
AMERICAN WARSHIPS IN GREECE - - 26 

IV. GERMANY MOBILISES THE TURKISH .\RMY - 39 
V. WANGENHEIM S.MUGGLES THE " GOEBEN " AND THE 

" BRESLAU " THROUGH THE D.\RDANELLES - 44 

VI. WANGENHEIM TELLS THE AMERICAN AMBASSADOR 

HOW THE KAISER STARTED THE W.\R - 53 

VII. GERMANY'S PLANS FOR NEW TERRITORIES, COALING 

ST.\TIONS, AND INDEMNITIES - - - 58 

VIII. A CLASSIC INST.\NCE OF GERMAN PROP.\GANDA - 62 
LX. GERMANY CLOSES THE DARDANELLES AND SO 

SEPAR.\TES RUSSIA FROM HER .\LLIES - 68 

X. turkey's ABROGATION OF THE CAPITULATIONS — 
ENVER LIVING IN A PAL.'ICE. WITH PLENTY OF 
MONEY AND AN IMPERIAL BRIDE - - 73 

XI. GERMANY COMPELS TURKEY TO ENTER THE WAR - 80 
XII. THE TURKS ATTEMPT TO TREAT ALIEN ENEMIES 
DECENTLY, BUT THE GER.MANS INSIST ON PER- 
SECUTING THEM - - - - 85 

XIII. THE INVASION OF THE ZION SISTERS* SCHOOL - 96 

XIV. W.\NGENHEIM AND THE BETHLEHEM STEEL COM- 

PANY — A HOLY WAR THAT WAS MADE IN 
GER.MANY ----- I03 

XV. DJEMAL, A TROUBLESOME MARK ANTONY— .\N 
EARLY GERMAN .\TTEMPT TO GET A GERMAN 
PEACE ------ 112 

ix 



X. 



Contents 



CHAPTER 

XVI. 



PAGB 



XVII. 



XVIII. 

XIX. 
XX. 

XXI. 

XXII. 

XXIII. 

XXIV. 

XXV. 

XXVI. 
XXVII. 

XXVIII. 

XXIX. 



THE TURKS PREPARE TO FLEE FROM CONSTANTIN- 
OPLE AND ESTABLISH A NEW CAPITAL IN ASIA 
MINOR — THE ALLIED FLEET BOMBARDING THE 
DARDANELLES ----- 
ENVER AS THE MAN WHO DEMONSTRATED " THE 
VULNERABILITY OF THE BRITISH FLEET " — ■ 
OLD-FASHIONED DEFENCES OF THE DARDANELLES 
THE ALLIED ARMADA SAILS AWAY, THOUGH ON THE 
BRINK OF VICTORY - - . _ 

A FIGHT FOR THREE THOUSAND CIVILIANS- 
MORE ADVENTURES OF THE FOREIGN RESIDENTS - 
BULGARIA ON THE AUCTION BLOCK 
THE TURK REVERTS TO THE ANCESTRAL TYPE 
THE " REVOLUTION " AT VAN - - - 

THE MURDER OF A NATION - - _ 

TALAAT TELLS WHY HE "ANNIHILATES" THE 
ARMENIANS _ _ - _ _ 

ENVER PASHA DISCUSSES THE ARMENIANS 
" I SHALL DO NOTHING FOR THE ARMENIANS," 

SAYS THE GERMAN AMBASSADOR 
ENVER AGAIN MOVES FOR PEACE — FAREWELL TO 

THE SULTAN AND TO TURKEY 
VON J AGOW, ZIMMERMAN. AND GERMAN-AMERICANS 



121 



133 

143 

153 
167 

180 

193 
198 

215 
226 

240 

253 
261 



ILLUSTRATIONS 

Ambassador Henry Morgenthau ... - Frontispiece 

Baron Wangenueim, German Ambassador - - facing page ^2 

M. TocHEFF, Bulgarian Minister at Constantinople ,, ,, 33 

" GOEBEN " IN THE SeA OF MaRMORA - - - - ,, ,, 48 

" BRESLAU " (left) AT THE GOLDEN HORN - - ,, .. 49 

En vER Pasha, Minister OF War - - - - ,. ,,112 

Talaat Pasha. Grand Vizier - - - - ,, ,,112 
Bl'stany Effendi, Ex-Minister OF Commerce and 

Agriculture - ..113 

Djr;mal Pasha, Minister OF Marine . . - ,. ,. 113 

Mr. Morgenthau and Sir Louis Mallet - - - ,, ,. 116 

Sir Louis Mallet AND M. BoMPARD - - - .. ,, 116 

Be d Ri BzY, Prefect OF Police - - - - .. .,117 

Talaat AND VON KuHLMANN ,, ,, [17 

Sedd-ul-Bahr Fortification - - - - . - .. .. i44 

Fort Dardanos •• -.MS 

Mohammed v., Sultan OF Turkey - - - - .. ..176 

Tchemenlik AND Fort Anadolu Hamidie . - - ,. ,, i77 

Sheik-ul-Islam proclaiming a Holy War - - .... 192 

The Bosphorus, Key to the Black Sea - - - .... 193 



XI 



Secrets of the Bosphorus 

CHAPTER I 

A GERMAN SUPERMAN AT CONSTANTINOPLE 

I AM writing these reminiscences of my ambassadorship 
at a moment when Germany's schemes in the Turkish 
Empire and the Near East have achieved an apparent 
success. Tlie Central Powers have disintegrated Russia, 
have transformed tlie Baltic and the Black Seas into German 
lakes, and have obtained a new route to the East by way of the 
Caucasus. Germany now dominates Serbia, Bulgaria, Rumania, 
and Turkey, and regards her aspirations for a new Teutonic 
Empire, extending from the North Sea to the Persian Gulf, as 
practically reahsed. The world now knows, though it did not 
clearly understand this fact in 1914, that Germany precipitated 
the war to destroy Serbia, seize control of the Balkan nations, 
transform Turkey into a vassal state, and thus obtain a huge 
oriental empire that would form the basis for unlimited world 
dominion. Do these German aggressions in the East mean that 
this extensive programme has succeeded ? 

As I look upon the new map. which shows Germany's recent 
military and diplomatic triumphs, my experiences in Constan- 
tinople take on a new meaning. I now see the events of these 
twenty-six months as part of a connected, definite story. The 
several individuals that moved upon the scene now appear as 
players in a carefully staged, superbly managed drama. I see 
clearly enough now that Germany had made all her plans for 
world dominion and that the country to which I had been 
accredited as American Ambassador was the foundation of the 
Kaiser's whole political and mihtary structure. Had Germany 
not acquired control of Constantinople in the early days of the 
war, it is not unlikely that hostiUtics would have ended a few 
months after the battle of the Marne. It was certainly an amaz- 
ing fate that landed me in this great headquarters of intrigue 
at the very moment when the plans of the Kaiser, carefully 
pursued for a quarter of a century, were about to achieve their 
final success. 

B 



2 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

For the work of subjugating Turkey and transforming its 
army and its territory into instruments of Germany, the Emperor 
had sent to Constantinople an Ambassador who was ideally 
fitted for the task. The mere fact that Wilhelm had personally 
selected Baron von Wangenheim for this post shows that he had 
accurately gauged the human quaUties needed for this great 
diplomatic enterprise. 

The Kaiser had early selected Wangenheim as a useful 
instrument for his plans ; he had more than once summoned him 
to Corfu for his vacations, and here, we may be sure, the two 
congenial spirits had passed many days discussing German 
ambitions in the East. At the time I first met him, Wangenheim 
was fifty-four years old ; he had given a quarter of a century to 
the diplomatic service, he had seen service in such different 
places as Petrograd, Copenhagen, Madrid, Athens, and Mexico, 
and he had been charge at Constantinople, several years later 
coming there as Ambassador, He understood completely all 
countries, including the United States ; his first wife, indeed, 
had been an American, and Wangenheim, when Minister to 
Mexico, had intimately studied our country and acquired that 
admiration for our energy and progress which he frequently 
expressed. He had a complete technical equipment for a 
diplomat ; he spoke German, Engfish, and French with equal 
facility, he knew the East thoroughly, and had the widest 
acquaintance with public men. Physically he was one of the 
most striking persons I have ever known. When I was a boy 
in Germany, the Fatherland was usually symbolised as a beauti- 
ful and powerful woman — a kind of dazzHng Valkyrie ; when I | 
think of modern Germany, however, the massive, burly figure of 
Wangenheim naturally presents itself to my mind. He was n 
six feet, two inches tall ; his huge, soHd frame, his Gibraltar- 
like shoulders, erect and impregnable, his bold, defiant head, his ji 
piercing eyes, the whole physical structure constantly pulsating |; 
with life and activity — there stands, I would say, not the Germany t 
which I had known, but the Germany whose limitless ambitions ^i 
had transformed the world into a place of horror. And Wangen- "r 
heim's every act and every word typified this new and dreadful i 
portent among the nations. Pan-Germany filled all his waking ■; 
hours and directed his every action. The deification of his f 
Emperor was the only religious instinct which impelled him. That ;. 
aristocratic and autocratic organisation of German society which ; 
represents the Prussian system was, in Wangenheim 's eyes, 
something to be venerated and worshipped ; with this as the j^ 
ground work, Germany was inevitably destined, he beheved, to 



A German Superman 3 

rule tlio world. The great land-tAvning junker represented the 
perfection of mankind ; " I would despise myself," liis closest 
associate once told me. and this represented Wangenheim's 
attitude as well, "if I had been born in a city." Wangcnheim 
dixided mankind into two classes, the governing and the 
governed ; and he ridiculed the idea that the upper could ever 
be recruited from the lower. I recall with what unction and 
enthusiasm he used to describe the Emperor's caste organisation 
of German estates ; how he had made them non-transferable, and 
had even arranged it so that the possessors, or the prospective 
possessors, could not marry without the imperial consent. " In 
this way," Wangenheim would say, " we keep our governing 
classes pure, unmi.xed of blood." Like all of his social order, 
Wangenheim worshipped the Prussian military system ; his 
splendid bearing showed that he had himself served in the army, 
and, in true German fashion, he regarded practically every 
situation in life from a military standpoint. I had one curious 
illustration of this when I asked Wangenheim one day why the 
Kaiser did not visit the United States. " He would like to 
immensely," he replied, " but it would be too dangerous. War 
might break out when he was coming home and the enemy 
would capture him." I suggested that that could hardly happen, 
as the American Government would escort its guest home with 
warships, and that no nation would care to run the risk of 
involving the United States as Germany's ally ; but he still 
thought that the military danger would make any such visit 
impossible. 

Upon him, upon more than almost any diplomatic repre- 
sentative of Germany, depended the success of the Kaiser's 
conspiracy for world domination. This German diplomat came 
to Constantinople with a single purpose. For twenty years the 
German Government had been cultivating the Turkish Empire. 
All this time the Kaiser had been preparing for a world war, and 
in this war it was destined that Turkey should play an almost 
decisive part. Unless Germany should obtain the Ottoman 
Empire as its ally, there was Httle chance that she could succeed 
in a general European war. W^hen France had made her alliance 
with Russia, tliis placed the man-power, 170,000,000, on her side, 
in the event of a war with Germany. For more than twenty 

irs Germany had striven diplomatically to detach Russia 
.;..in this French alUance, but had failed. There was only one 
way in wliich Germany could make valueless the Franco-Russian 
alliance ; this was by obtaining Turkey as an ally. With 
Turkey on her side, Germany could close the Dardanelles, the 



J( 



4 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

only practical line of communication between Russia and her 
Western allies. This simple act would depdve the Czar's army of 
war munitions, destroy Russia economically by stopping her, 
grain exports, her greatest source of wealth, and thus detach 
Russia from her partners in the world war. Thus Wangenheim's 
mission was to make it aosolutely certain that Turkey should 
join Germany in the gieat contest that was impending. 

Wangenheim believed that, should he succeed in accomplish- 
ing this task, he would reap the reward which for years had 
represented his final goal — the Chancellorship of the Empire. 
His skill at establishing personal relations with the Turks 
gave him a great advantage over his rivals. Wangen- 
heim had precisely that combinatiQn of force, persuasiveness, 
geniality, and brutality needed in dealing with the Turkish 
character. I have emphasised his Prussian qualities ; yet 
Wangenheim Vvras a Prussian not by birth but by development ; 
he was a native of Thuringia, and, together vvith all the push, ambi- 
tion, and overbearing traits of the Prussian, he had some of the 
softer characteristics which we associatg^with Southern Germany. 
He had one conspicuous quality, which is not Prussian at all — 
that is, tact ; and for the most part he succeeded in keeping hisj 
less agreeable tendencies under the surface and sho^^dng only his 
more ingratiating side. He dominated not so much by brute 
strength as by a mixture of force and amiability ; externally he | 
was not a bully ; his manner was more insinuating than coercive ; 
he won by persuasiveness, not by the mailed fist, but we who 
knew him well understood that back of all his gentleness there 
lurked a terrific, remorseless ambition. Yet the impression left 
was not one of brutality, but of excessive animal spirits and good 
nature. Indeed, Wangenheim had in combination the jovial 
enthusiasm of a college student, the rapacity of a Prussian official, 
and the happy-go-lucky quahties of a man of the world. I stiU 
recall the picture of this huge figure of a man, sitting at th^ 
piano, improvising in some beautiful classic theme — and then 
suddenly starting to pound out uproarious German drinking songs 
or popular melodies. I still see him jumping on his horse on the 
polo grounds, spurring the splendid animal to its speediest efforts 
— never making sufficient speed, however, to satisfy the ambitious 
sportsman. Indeed, in all his activities, grave and gay, Wangen 
heim displayed this same restless spirit of the chase. Whether 
he was flirting vvith the Greek ladies at Pera, or spending hours- 
over the card-table at the Cercle d'Orient, or bending the Turkish 
officials to his will in the interest of Germany, all life was to him 
a game, which was to be played more or less recklessly, and ia 



A German Superman 5 

which the chances favoured the man who was bold and audacious 
and v.ilhng to pin success or failure on a single throw. And tiiis 
greatest game of all — that upon which was staked, as Bernhardi 
has expressed it, " World empire or downfall " — Wangenheim 
did not play languidly, as though it had been merely a duty to 
wluch he had been assigned ; to use the German phrase, he was 
" lire and flame " for it ; he had the consciousness that he was 
a strong man set aside to perform a mighty task. As I write of 
Wangenheim I feel myself affected by the force of his personality, 
ytt 1 knew all the time that, hke the Government which he served 
so loyally, he was fundamentally ruthless, shameless, and cruel. 
He was content to accept all the consequences of his policy, 
however hideous these might be. He saw only a single goal, and, 
with all the reaUsm and logic that are so characteristically Ger- 
man, Wangenheim would brush aside all feelings of humanity 
and decency that might interfere with success. He accepted in 
full Bismarck's famous dictum that a German must be ready to 
sacrifice for Kaiser and Fatherland not only his life but his 
honour as well. 

Just as Wangenheim personified Germany, so did his col- 
league, Pallavicini, personify Austria. Wangenheim 's essential 
quality was a brutal egotism, wliilc Pallavicini was a quiet, 
kind-hearted, deUghtfuhy-maimered gentleman. Wangenheim 
was alw^ays looking to the future, Pallavicini to the past. Wangen- 
heim represented that mixture of commercialism and medieval 
lust for conquest that constitute Prussian wcltpoliiik; Pallavicini 
was a diplomat left over from the days of Mctternich. " Ger- 
many wants this ! " Wangenheim would insist, when an important 
point had to be decided. " I shall consult my Foreign Office," 
the cautious Pallavicini would say, on a similar occasion. The 
Austrian, with little upturned grey moustaches, with a rather 
stiff, even shghtly strutting walk, looked like the old-fashioned 
' Marquis that was once a stock figure on the stage. I might com- 
' pare Wangenheim with the representative of a great business firm 
, which was la\ ish in its expenditure and which obtained its 
trade by generous entertaining, while his Austrian colleague 
represented a house that prided itself on its past achieve- 
ments and was entirely content with its position. The same 
delight that Wangenheim took in Pan-German plans, Pallavicini 
found in all the niceties and obscurities of diplomatic technique. 
The Austri.'n had n presented his country in Turkey many 
years, and was the dean of the corps, a dignity of which 
lit; was extremely proud. He found his delight in upholding 
all the honours of his position; he was expert in arranging 



6 Secrets of the Bosphorus ^ 

the order of precedence at ceremonial dinners, and there was 
not a single detail^ of etiquette that he did not have at his 
fingers' ends. When it came to affairs of State, however, he 
was merely a tool of Wangenheim. From the first, indeed, he 
seemed to accept his position as that of a diplomat who was more 
or less subject to the will of his more powerful ally. In this way 
Pallavicini played to his German colleague precisely the same part 
that his Empire was playing to that of the Kaiser. In the early 
months of the war the bearing of these two men completely 
mirrored the respective successes and failures of their countries. 
As the Germans boasted of victory after victory Wangen- 
heim's already huge and erect figure seemed to become larger and 
more upstanding, while Pallavicini, as the Austrians lost battle 
after battle to the Russians, seemed to become smaller and more 
shrinking. 

The situation in Turkey in these critical months seemed almost 
to have been artificially created to give the fullest opportunities 
to a man of Wangenheim's genius. For ten years the Turkish 
Empire had been undergoing a process of dissolution, and had 
now reached a state of decrepitude that had left it an easy prey 
to German diplomacy. In order to understand the situation, we 
must keep in mind that there was really no orderly estabhshed 
Government in Turkey at that time. For the Young Turks were 
not a Government ; they were really an irresponsible party, a 
kind of secret society, which, by intrigue, intimidation and 
assassination, had obtained most of the offices of administration, ji 
When I describe the Young Turks in these words, perhaps I may 
be dispelling certain illusions. Before I came to Turkey I had 
entertained very different ideas of this organisation. As far back 
as 1908 I remember reading news of Turkey that appealed 
strongly to my democratic sympathies. These reports informed 
me that a body of young revolutionists had swept from the 
mountains of Macedonia, had marched upon Constantinople, had 
deposed the bloody Sultan Abdul Hamid and had estabhshed a 
constitutional system. Turkey, these glowing newspaper stories 
told us, had become a democracy, with a parhament, a responsible 
ministry, universal suffrage, equaUty of aU citizens before the 
law, freedom of speech and of the press, and all the other 
essentials of a free, liberty-loving commonwealth. That a 
party of Turks had for years been strugghng for such reforms 
I well knew, and that their ambitions had become realities 
seemed to indicate that, after all, there w'as such a thing as 
human progress. The long welter of massacre and disorder in 
the Turkish Empire had apparently ended ; the great assassin, 



A German Superman 7 

Abdul Ilamid, had been removed to solitary confinement at ^ 
Saloniki ; and his brother, the gentle Mohammed V., had ^ 
ascended the throne as the first constitutional sovereign of — 
Turkey. Such had been the promise, but by the time I ^ 
reached Constantinople, in 1913, many changes had taken ^ 
place. Austria had annexed two Turkish provinces, Bosnia •= 
and Herzegovina ; Italy had wrenched away TripoU ; Turkey ^ 
had fought two wars with the Balkan states, and had lost all her 
territories in Europe, except Constantinople and a small hinter- 
land. The aims for the regeneration of Turkey that had inspired 
the revolution had evidently miscarried, and I soon discovered that 
four years of so-called democratic rule had ended with the nation ^ 
more degraded, more impoverished, and more dismembered than ^ 
I ever before. Indeed, long before I had arrived this attempt to "^ 
i establish a Turkish democracy had failed. The failure was 
probably the most complete and the most disheartening in the 
whole history of democratic institutions. I need hardly explain 
in detail the causes of this failure. Let us not criticise too harshly .•* 
the Young Turks, for there is no question that, at the beginning, "2: 
they were sincere. In a speech in Liberty Square, Saloniki, in "^ 
July, 1908, Enver Pasha, who was popularly regarded as the '^ 
chivalrous young leader of this insurrection against a century- ^ 
old tjTanny, had eloquently declared that, " To-day arbitrary l, 
government has disappeared. We are all brothers. There") *« 
are no longer in Turkey Bulgaiians, Greeks, Serbians, Ru- t_ 
manians, Mussulmans, Jews. Under the same blue sky we are 
all proud to be Ottomans." That statement represented the 
Young Turk ideal for the new Turkish state, but it was an ideal 
which it was evidently beyond their ability to translate into a 
reality. The races which had been maltreated and massacred 
for centuries by the Turks could not transform themselves 
overnight into brothers, and the hatreds, jealousies, and rehgious 
prejudices of the past still divided Turkey into a medley 
of warring clans. Above all, the destructive wars and the loss 
of great sections of the Turkish Empire had destroyed the 
prestige of the new democracy. There were plenty of other 
reasons for the failure ; but it is hardly necessary to go into them 
at this time. 

Thus the Young Turks had disappeared as a positive, regen- 
erating force, but they still existed as a poUtical macliine. Their 
leaders, Talaat, Enver, and Djemal, had long since abandoned 
any expectation of reforming their State, but they had developc;d 
an insatiable lust for personal power. Instead of a nation of 
nearly 20,000,000 developing happily along democratic lines, 



8 Secrets of the Bosphorus ' 

enjoying the suffrage, building up their industry and agriculture, 
laying the basis of education, sanitation, and general progress, I 
saw that Turkey consisted of merely so many inarticulate, 
ignorant, and poverty-ridden slaves, with a small, wicked oli- 
garchy at the top, which was prepared to use them in the way 
that would best promote their private interests. And these men 
were practically the same who, a few years before, had made 
Turkey an institutional State ! A more bewildering fall from the 
highest idealism to the crassest materialism could not be 
imagined. Talaat, Enver, and Djemal were the ostensible 
leaders, yet back of them was the Committee, consisting of about 
forty men. This Committee met secretly, manipulated elections, 
and filled the offices with their own henchmen. It had its own 
building in Constantinople, and a supreme chief who gave all his 
time to its affairs and issued orders to his subordinates. This 
functionary thus ruled the party and the country something fike 
an American city boss in our most unregenerate days. The 
whole organisation thus furnished a splendid illustration of what 
we sometimes describe as " invisible government." This kind of 
irresponsible control has at times flourished in American cities 
mainly because the citizens have devoted all their tim.e to their 
private affairs and thus neglected the public good. But in 
Turkey the masses were altogether too ignorant to understand 
the meaning of democracy, and the bankruptcy and general 
vicissitudes of the countrjr had left the nation with practically no 
government and an easy prey to a determined band of adven- 
turers. The Committee of Union and Progress, with Talaat Bey 
as the most powerful leader, constituted such a band. Besides 
the forty men in Constantinople, sub-committees were organised 
in all important cities of the Empire. These men met secretly, 
formulated their plans, distributed the patronage, and issued 
orders to their appointees, who filled nearly all the important 
offices. These men, like orthodox department heads in the worst 
days of American city government, " took orders " and made the 
appointments submitted to them. No man could hold an office, 
high or low, who was not a part of this Committee. 

I must admit, however, that I do our corrupt American gangs 
a certain injustice in comparing them with the Turkish Committee 
of Union and Progress. Talaat, Enver, and Djemal had added 
to their system a detail that has not figured extensively in 
American politics — that of assassination and judicial murder. 
They had wrested power from the other factions by a deed of 
violence. This coup d'etat had taken place on January 26, 1913, 
not quite a year before my arrival. At that time a political group. 



A German Superman 9 

headed by the venerable Kiamil Pasha, as Grand Vizier, and 
Nazim Pasha, as Minister of War, controlled the Government ; 
they represented a faction known as the " liberal party," which 
was chiefly distinguished for its enmity to the Young Turks. 
These men had fought the disastrous Balkan war, and, in 
January, they had felt themselves compelled to accept the advice 
of the European Powers and surrender Adrianople to Bulgaria. 
The Young Turks had been outside the breastworks for about six 
months, looking for an opportunity to return to power. The 
proposed surrender of Adrianople apparently furnished them this 
opportunity. Adrianople was an important Turkish city, and 
naturally the Turkish people regarded the contemplated surrender 
as marking still another milestone to their national doom. 
Talaat and Enver hastily collected about two hundred followers 
and marched up to the Sublime Porte, where the ministry was 
then sitting. Nazim, hearing the uproar, stepped out into the 
hall. He courageously faced the crowd, a cigarette in his mouth 
and his hands thrust into his pockets. 

"Come, boys," he said good-humouredly, "what's all this 
noise about ? Don't you know that it is interfering with our 
deliberations ? " 

The words had hardly left his mouth, when he fell dead. A 
bullet had pierced a vital spot. 

The mob, led by Talaat and Enver, then forced their way into 
the Council Chamber. They forced Kiamil, the Grand Vizier — he 
was more than eighty years old — to resign his post under threat 
of meeting Nazim's fate. 

As assassination had been the means by which these chieftains 
had obtained the supreme power, so assassination continued to 
be the instrument upon which they depended for maintaining 
their control. Djemal, in addition to his other duties, was 
Military Governor of Constantinople, and in this capacity he had 
control of the police ; in this office he developed all the talents of a 
Fouche, and did his work so successfully that any man who wished 
to conspire against the Young Turks usually retired for that pur- 
pose to Paris or Athens. The few months that preceded my arrival 
had been a reign of terror. The Young Turks had destroyed 
Abdul Hamid's regime only to adopt that Sultan's favourite 
methods of quieting opposition. Instead of having one Abdul 
Hamid, Turkey now discovered that she had several. Men were 
arrested and deported by the score, and hangings of political 
offenders — opponents, that is, of the ruling gang- were common 
occurrences. 

The weakness of the Sultan particularly facilitated the 



10 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

ascendancy of this Committee. We must remember that Moham- 
med V. was not only Sultan but Caliph — not only the temporary 
ruler, but also head of the Mohammedan Church. In this 
capacity he was an object of veneration to milhons of devout 
Mussulmans, a fact which would have given a strong man in his 
position great influence in freeing Turkey from its oppressors. I 
presume that even those who had the most kindly feelings 
toward the Sultan would not have described him as an energetic, 
masterful man. It is a miracle that the circumstances which 
fate had forced upon Mohammed had not long since completely 
destroyed him. His brother was Abdul Hamid — Gladstone's 
"great assassin" — a man who ruled by espionage and blood- 
shed, and who had no m.ore consideration for his own relations 
than for his massacred Armenians. One of Abdul Hamid's first 
acts, when he ascended the throne, was to shut up hi^ heir- 
apparent in a palace, surrounding him with spies, Umiting 
him for society to his harem and a few palace functionaries, and 
constantly holding over his head the fear of assassination. 
Naturally Mohammed's education had been limited ; he spoke 
only Turkish, and his only means of learning about the outside 
world was an occasional Turkish newspaper. So long as he 
remained quiescent, the heir-apparent was comfortable and fairly 
secure, but he knew that the first sign of revolt, or eve-n a too 
curious interest in what was going on, would be the signal for his 
death. Hard as this preparation was, it had not destroyed what 
was at bottom a benevolent, gentle nature. The Sultan had no 
characteristics that suggested the "terrible Turk." He was 
simply a quiet, easy-going, gentlemanly old man. Everybody 
liked him, and I do not think that he harboured ill-feeling against 
a human soul. He could not rule his empire, for he had had no 
preparation for such a difficult task ; he took a certain satisfac- 
tion in his title and in his consciousness that he was a lineal 
descendant of the great Osman ; clearly, however, he could not 
oppose the schemes of the men who were then struggling for the 
control of Turkey. In exchanging Abdul Hamid, as his master, 
for Talaat, Enver, and Djemal, the Sultan had not greatly 
improved his personal position. The Committee of Union and 
Progress ruled him precisely as they ruled all the rest of Turkey — 
by intimidation. They had shown their power when they 
dethroned Abdul Hamid and locked him up in a palace, and poor 
Mohammed naturally hved under the constant fear that they 
would treat him similarly. Indeed, they had already given him 
a sample of their power ; and the Sultan had attempted on one 
occasion to assert his independence, and the conclusion of this 



A German Superman ii 

episode left no doubt as to who weis master. A group of thirteen 
" conspirators " and other criminals, some real ones, others 
merely political offenders, had been sentenced to be hanged. 
Among them was the imperial son-in-law. Before the execution 
could take place the Sultan had to sign the death-warrants. He 
begged that he be permitted to pardon the imperial son-in-law, 
though he raised no objection to viseing the passports of the other 
twelve. The nominal ruler of 20,000,000 people figuratively went 
down upon his knees before Talaat, but all his pleadings did not 
affect this determined man. Here, Talaat reasoned, was a chance 
to decide, once for all, who was master, the Sultan or themselves. 
A few days afterward the melancholy figure of the imperial son- 
in-law, dangling at the end of a rope in full view of the Turkish 
populace, visibly reminded the Empire that Talaat and the Com- 
mittee were the masters of Turkey. After this tragical test of 
strength, the Sultan never attempted again to interfere in affairs 
of State. He knew what had happened to Abdul Hamid, and he 
feared an even more terrible fate for himself. 

By the time I reached Constantinople the Young Turks thus 
completely controlled the Sultan. He was popularly referred to 
as an " irade-machine," a phrase which means about the same 
thing as when we refer to a man as a " rubber stamp." His State 
duties consisted merely in performing certain ceremonies, such as 
receiving Ambassadors, and in affixing his signature to such 
papers as Talaat and his associates placed before him. This was 
a profound change in the Turkish system, since in that country 
for centuries the Sultan had been an unquestioned despot, whose 
will had been the only law, and who had centred in his own person 
all the forces and sovereignty. Not only the Sultan, but the 
ParUament, had become the subservient creature of the Com- 
mittee, which chose practically all the members, who voted only 
as the predoininant bosses dictated. The Committee had already 
filled several of the most powerful Cabinet offices with its creatures, 
and was reaching out for those few pests that, for several reasons, 
still remained in other hands. 



CHAPTER II 

THE "BOSS system" IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE AND HOW IT 
PROVED USEFUL TO GERMANY 

Talaat, the leading man in this band of usurpers, really had 
remarkable personal qualities. Naturally Talaat's life and 
character proved interesting to me, for I had for years been 
familiar with the Boss system in my own country, and in Talaat 
I saw many resemblances to the crude yet able citizens who have 
so frequently in the past gained power in local and State politics. 
Talaat's origin was so obscure that there were plenty of stories in 
circulation concerning it. One account said he was a Bulgarian 
gypsy, while another described him as a Pomak — a Pomak being 
a man of Bulgarian blood whose ancestors, centuries ago, had 
embraced the Mohammedan faith. According to this latter 
explanation, which I think was the true one, this real ruler of the 
Turkish Empire was not a Turk at all. I can personally testify 
that he cared nothing for Mohammedanism, for, like most of the 
leaders of his party, he scoffed at all religions. " I hate all 
priests, rabbis, and brodjas," he once told me — brodja being the 
nearest equivalent the Mohammedans have for the ministers of 
religion. I can also testify to the fact that Talaat paid no 
attention to certain injunctions of his Church, especially that 
against drinking ; he was the presiding genius of a club that met 
not far from the American Embassy, whose tendencies were 
occasionally bacchanalian. In American city politics a street- 
car driver or a gas-man has not uncommonly developed great 
abihties as a politician, and similarly Talaat had started hfe as a 
letter-carrier. From this occupation he had risen to be a tele- 
graph-operator at Adriancple, and of these humble beginnings he 
was extremely proud. I visited him once or twice at his house. 
Although Talaat was then the most powerful man in the Turkish 
Empire, his home was still the modest home of a man of the 
people. It was cheaply furnished ; the whole establishment 
reminded me of a moderately-priced apartment in New York. 
His most cherished possession was the telegraph instrument with 
which he had once earned his living ; I have seen him take the 
key and call up one of his personal friends or associates. Talaat 
one night told me that he had that day received his salary as 



The " Boss System " 13 

Minist( r of the Tnterior ; after pa>'ing his debts, lie soid, he had just 
one hundred dollars left in the world. He liked to spend part of 
his spare time with the rough-shod crew that made up the Com- 
mittee of Union and Progress ; in the interims when he was out of 
the Cabinet he used to occupy the desk daily at party headquarters, 
personally managing the party macliine. Despite these humble 
beginnings. Talaat had developed some of the qualities of a man 
of the world. Though his early training had not included 
instruction in the use of a knife and fork — such implements are 
wholly unknown among the poorer classes in Turkey — Talaat 
■could attend diplomatic dinners and represent his country with a 
considerable amount of dignity and personal ease. I have always 
regarded it as indicating his innate cleverness that, though he had 
had little schooling, he had picked up enough French to converse 
tolerably in that language. Physically he was a striking figure. 
His powerful frame, his huge, sweeping back and his rocky biceps 
emphasised that natural mental strength and forcefulness which 
made possible his career. In discussing matters Talaat Hked to sit 
at his desk, with his shoulders drawn up, his head thrown back, 
and his wrists, twice the size of an ordinary man's, planted firmly 
on the table. It always seemed to me that it would take a crow- 
bar to pry these wrists from the board, once Talaat 's strength 
and defiant spirit had laid them there. Whenever I think of 
Talaat now I do not primarily recall his rolhcking laugh, his 
uproarious enjoyment of a good story, the mighty stride with 
which he crossed the room, his fierceness, his determination, 
his remorselessness — the whole life and nature of the man take 
form in those gigantic wrists. 

Talaat, like most strong men, had his forbidding, even his 
ferocious, moods. One day " I found him sitting at the usual 
place, his massive shoulders drawn up, his eyes glowering, his 
wrists planted on the desk. I always anticipated trouble when- 
ever I found him in this attitude. As I made request after 
request, Talaat, between his puffs at his cigarette, would answer 
"No! " "No! " "No! " 

I slipped around to his side of the desk. 

" I think those wrists are making all the trouble, your Ex- 
cellency," I said. " Won't you please take them off the table ? " 

Talaat 's ogre-like face began to crinkle, he threw up liis arms, 
leaned back, and gave a roar of terrific laughter. He enjoyed my 
method of treating him so much that he granted every request 
I made. 

At another time I came into his room when a couple of Arab 
princes were present. Talaat was solemn and dignified, and 



14 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

refused every favour I asked. " No, I shall not do that. No, 
I haven't the slightest idea of doing that," he would answer. I 
saw that he was trjring to impress his princely guests, to show 
them that he had become so great a man that he did not hesitate 
to " turn down " an Ambassador. So I came up nearer and 
spoke quietly. 

" I see you are trying to make an impression on these princes," 
I said. " Now if it's necessary for you to pose, do it with the 
Austrian Ambassador — he's out there waiting to come in. My 
affairs are too important to be trifled with." 

Talaat laughed. " Come back in an hour," he said. I came 
back ; the Arab princes had left, and we had no difficulty in 
arranging matters to my satisfaction. 

" Someone has got to govern Turkey ; why not we ? " 
Talaat once said to me. The situation had just about come to 
that. " I have been greatly disappointed," he would tell me, " at 
the failure of the Turks to appreciate democratic institutions. 
I hoped for it once, and I worked hard for it- — but they were not 
preparedf or it. " He saw a Government which the first enterprising 
man who came along might seize, and he determined to be that 
man. Of all the Turkish politicians I met, I regarded Talaat 
as the only one who really had extraordinary innate ability. 
He had great force and dominance, the ability to think quickly 
and accurately, and an almost superhuman insight into men's 
motives. His great geniality and his lively sense of humour also 
made him a splendid manager of men. He showed his shrewd- 
ness in the measures which he took, after the murder of Nazim, 
to gain the upper hand in this distracted Empire. He did 
not seize the Government all at once ; he went at it gradually/, 
feeling his way. He realised the weaknesses of his position ; he 
had several forces to deal with : the envy of his associates on 
the revolutionary committee which had backed him, the army, 
the foreign Governments, and the several factions that made up 
what then passed for public opinion in Turkey. Any of these 
elements might destroy him, politically and physically. He 
understood the dangerous path he was treading, and he always 
anticipated a violent death. " I do not expect to die in my bed," 
he told me. By becoming Minister of the Interior, Talaat gained 
control of the police and the administration of the provinces, or 
vilayets. This gave him a great amount of patronage, which he 
used to strengthen his position with the Committee. He attempted 
to gain the support of all influential factions by gradually placing 
their representatives in the other Cabinet posts. Though he 
afterwards became the man who was chiefly responsible for the 



The " Boss System " 15 

massacre of hundreds of thousands of Armenians, at this time 
Talaat maintained the pretence that the Committee stood for 
the unionisation of all the races in the Empire, and for this reason 
his first Cabinet contained an Arab-Christian, a Dcnmme (a Jew 
by race, but a Mohammedan by religion), a Circassian, an 
Armenian, an Egyptian. He made the latter Grand Vizier, the 
highest post in the Government, a position which roughly cor- 
responds to that of Chancellor in the German Empire. The man 
whom he selected for this part, which in ordinary times was the 
most dignified and important in the Empire, belonged to quite a 
different order of society from Talaat. Not uncommonly bosses 
in America select high-class figure-heads for mayors or even 
governors, men who will give respectabiUty to their faction yet 
whom, at the same time, they think that they can control. It 
was some such motive as this which led Talaat and his associates 
to elevate Said Halim to the Grand Vizierate. Said Halim was 
an Eg^^ptian Prince, the cousin of the Khedive of Egypt, a man 
of great wealth and great culture. He spoke English and French 
as fluently as his own tongue, and was an ornament to any 
society in the world. But he was a man of unlimited vanity and 
ambition. His great desire was to become Khedive of Egypt, 
and this had led him to join his political fortunes to the gang that 
was then ascendant in Turkey. He was the hea\iest " campaign 
contributor," and, indeed, he had largely furnished the Young 
Turks in their earliest days. In exchange they had given him the 
highest office in the Empire, but with the tacit understanding 
that he should not attempt to exercise the real powers of his 
office, but content himself with enjo\'ing its dignities and holding 
liimself in readiness for the Khedivate, when all their plans had 
succeeded. 

Germany's war preparations had for years included the 
study of internal conditions in other countries. An indispensable 
part of the Imperial programme had been to take advantage of 
such disorganisations as existed to push her schemes of penetra- 
tion and conquest. What her emissaries have attempted in 
France, Italy, and even the United States, is apparent, and their 
success in Russia has greatly changed the course of the war. 
Clearly such a situation as that which prevailed in Turkey in 1913 
and 1914 provided an ideal opportunity of manipulations of this 
kind. And Germany had one great advantage in Turkey which 
was not so conspicuously an element in other countries. Talaat 
and his associates needed Germany almost as badly as Germany 
needed Talaat. They were alt(jgether new to the business of 
managing^an empire. Their finances were depleted, their army 



i6 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

and navy almost in dissolution, enemies were constantly attempt- 
ing to undermine them at home, and the great Powers regarded 
them as seedy adventurers whose career was destined to be brief. 
With strong support from an outside source, it was doubtful how> 
long the new regime could survive. Talaat and his Committee 
needed some foreign Power to organise the army and navy, 
to finance the nation, to help them reconstruct their industrial 
system, and to protect them against the encroachments of 
the encircling nations. Ignorant as they were of foreign 
countries, they needed a skilful adviser to pilot them through all 
the channels of international intrigue. Where was such a protector 
to be obtained ? Evidently only one of the great European 
Powers could perform this office. Which one should it be ? 
Ten years before Turkey would naturally have appealed to 
England. But now the Turks regarded England as merely the 
nation that had despoiled them of 'Egypt, and that had failed to 
protect Turkey from dismemberment after the Balkan wars. In 
association with Russia, Great Britain now controlled Persia and 
thus constituted a constant threat — at least, so the Turks believed 
— against their Asiatic dominions. England was gradually with- 
drawing her investments from Turkey ; English statesmen 
believed that the task of driving the Turk from Europe was about 
complete, and the whole Near- Eastern policy of Great Britain 
hinged on maintaining the organisation of the Balkans as it had 
been determined by the Treaty of Bucharest— a treaty which 
Turkey refused to regard as binding and which she was deter- 
mined to upset. Above all, the Turks feared Russia in 1914, just 
as they had feared her ever since the days of Peter the Great. 
Russia was the historic enemy, the nation which had given 
freedom to Bulgaria and Rumania, which had been most active 
in dismembering the Ottoman Empire, and which regarded 
herself as the nation that was ultimately to possess Constan- 
tinople. This fear of Russia, I cannot too much insist, was the 
one factor which, above ever^^thing else, was forcing Turkey into 
the arms of Germany. For more than half a century Turkey 
had regarded England as her surest safeguard against Russian 
aggression, and now England had become Russia's virtual ally. 
There was even then a general belief, which the Turkish chieftains 
shared, that England was entirely willing that Russia should 
inherit Constantinople and the Dardanelles. 

Though Russia in 1914 was making no such pretensions, at 
least openly, the fact that she was crowding Turkey in other 
directions made it impossible that Talaat and Enver should 
look for support in that direction. Italy had just seized the last 

\^ 



The " Boss System " 17 

Turkisli pi"o\'nce in Africa — Tripoli — nnd at thiat moment was 
holding Rhode<^ and other Turkish islands and was known to 
cherish aggressive plans in Asia Minor. France was the ally of 
Russia and Groat Britain, and was also constantly extending her 
inlhience in Syria, in which province, indeed, slic had made great 
plans for " penetration " with railroads, colonies, and con- 
cessicns. The personal equation played an important part 
in the ensuing drama. The Ambassadors of the Triple Entente 
haidly concealed their contempt for the dominant Turkish 
pohticians and their methods. Sir Louis Mallet, the British 
Ambassador, was a high-minded and cultivated Enghsh gentle- 
man ; Bompard. the Freixh Ambassador, was a similarly 
clK'rming, honourable Frenchman, and both were constitution- 
ally disquahfied from participating in the murderous intrigues 
which then comprised Turkish pohtics. Giers, the Russian 
Ambassador, was a proud and scornful diplomat of the old 
aristocratic regime. He was exceedingly astute, but he treated 
the Young Turks contemptuously, manifested almost a pro- 
prietary interest in the country, and seemed to me already to be 
\\'iclding the knout over this despised Government. It was quite 
apparent that the three Ambassadors of the Entente did not re- 
gard the Talaat and Enver regime as permanent, or as particularly 
worth their while to cultivate. That several factions had risen and 
fallen in the last six years they knew, and they likewise beUeved 
that this latest usurpation would vanish in a few months. 

But there was one active man in Turkey then who had no nice 
scruples about using such agencies as were most available for 
accomplishing his purpose. Wangenheim clearly saw what his 
colleagues had only faintly perceived : that these men were 
steadily fastening their hold on Turkey, and that they were 
looking for some strong Power that would recognise their position 
and abet them in maintaining it. In order that we may clearly 
understand the situation, let us transport ourselves, for a moment, 
to a country that is nearer to us than Turkey. In 1913 Vic- 
toriano Huerta and his fellow-conspirators gained control of 
Mexico by means not unlike those that had given Talaat and his 
Committee the supreme power in Turkey. Just as Huerta 
murdered Madero, so the Young Turks had murdered Nazim, 
and in both cases assassination became a regular political weapon. 
Huerta controlled the Mexican Congress and the offices just as 
Talaat controlled the Turkish Parliament and the cliief posts of 
the State. Mexico under Huerta was a poverty-stricken country', 
with depleted finances, exhausted industries and agriculture, just 
as was Turkey under Talaat. Hcnv did Hueria seek to secure his 

C 



i8 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

own position and rehabilitate his distracted country ? There 
was only one way, of course : that WcLS by enhsting the support of 
some strong foreign Power. He sought repeatedly to gain 
recognition from the United States for this reason. When we 
refused to deal with a murderer, Huerta looked to Germany. Let 
us suppose that the Kaiser had responded ; he could have 
reorganised Mexican finances, rebuilt her railroads, re-established 
her industries, modernised her army, and in this way obtained a 
grip on the country that would have amounted to virtual 
possession. 

Only one thing prevented Germany from doing this — the 
Monroe Doctrine. But there was no Monroe Doctrine in Turkey, 
and what I have stated as a possibihty in Turkey is in the main 
an accurate picture of what happened in the Ottoman Empire. 
As I look back upon the situation, the whole thing seems so 
clear, so simple, so inevitable. Germany, up to that time, was 
practically the only great Power in Europe that had not appro- 
priated large sHces of Turkish territory, a fact which gave her an 
initial advantage. Germany's representation at Constantinople 
was far better quahfied than that of any other country, not only 
by absence of scruples, but also by knowledge and skill, to handle 
this situation. Wangenheim was not the only capable German 
then on the ground. A particularly influential outpost of 
Pan-Germany was Paul Weitz, who had represented the Frank- 
furter Zeitung in Turkey for thirty years. Weitz had the 
most intimate acquaintance with Turks and Turkish affairs ; 
there was not a hidden recess to which he could not gain ad- 
mittance. He was constantly at Wangenheim's elbow, coaching 
advising, informing. The German naval attache, Humann, 
the son of a famous German archaeologist, had been born in 
Smyrna, and had passed practically his whole Ufe in Turkey. 
He not only spoke Turkish, but he could also think Hke a Turk, 
and the whole psychology of the people was part of his mental 
equipment. Moreover, Ej^jivii'one of the two main Turkish 
chieftains, was on close friendly terms with Enver. When I 
think of this experienced trio, Wangenheim, Weitz, and Hu- 
mann, and of the charming and honourable gentlemen who 
were opposed to them, Mallet, Bompard, and Giers, the events 
that now rapidly followed seem as inevitable as the orderly 
processes of nature. By the spring of 1914 Talaat and Enver, 
representing the Committee of Union and Progress, practically 
dominated the Turkish Empire. Wangenheim, always having 
in mind the approaching war, had one inevitable move : that was 
to control Talaat and Enver. 



The " Boss System " 19 

Earl}- in January, 1914, Enver Ixcamc Minister of War. At 
tliat time he was tliirty-two years old. Like all the leading 
Turkish politicians of the period, he came of humble stock, and his 
pt)pular title, "hero of the revolution," shows why Talaat and 
the Committee had selected him as Minister of War. Enver 
enjoyed something of a mihtary reputation, though, so far 
as I could discover, he had never achieved a great miUtary 
success. The revolution of which he was one of the leaders in 
1908 cost very few human lives ; he commanded an army in 
Tripoli against the Itahans in 1912 — but certainly there was 
nothing Napoleonic about that campaign. Enver used to tell me 
himself how, in the second Balkan war, he had ridden all night 
at the head of his troops to the capture of Adrianople, and how, 
when he arrived there, the Bulgarians had abandoned it and his 
(victory had thus been a bloodless one. But certainly Enver did 
jhave one trait that made for success in such a distracted country 
as Turkey — and that was audacity. He was quick in making 
decisions, always ready to stake his future and his very life upon 
the success of a simple adventure ; from the beginning, indeed, 
his career had been one lucky crisis after another. His nature 
had a remorselessness, a lack of pity, a cold-blooded determina- 
tion, of which his clean-cut handsome face, his small but sturdy 
ure, and his pleasing manners, gave no indication. Nor would 
he casual spectator have suspected the passionate personal 
mbition that drove him on. His friends commonly referred to 
lim as " NapoleonUk " — the little Napoleon — and this nickname 
really represented Enver's abiding conviction. I remember 
sitting one night with Enver, in his house ; on one side hung a 
>icture of Napoleon, on the other one of Frederick the Great, 
and between them sat Enver himself ! This fact gives some 
notion of his vanity ; these two warriors and statesmen were 
his great heroes, and I beheve that Enver thought fate had 
1 career in store for him not unlike theirs. The fact that, at 
:wenty-six, he had taken a leading part in the revolution 
which had deposed Abdul Hamid naturally caused him to 
:ompare himself with Bonaparte, and several times has he 
old me that he believed himself to be "a man of destiny." 
Enver even affected to beUeve that he had been divinely set 
apart to re-establish the glory of Turkey and make himself the 
great dictator. Yet, as I have suggested, there wa«; sometliing 
ahnost dainty and feminine in Enver's appearance. He was the 
type that in America we sometimes call a matinee idol, and the 
word women frequently used to describe liim was " dashing." His 
face contained not a single line or furrow ; it never disclosed his 



20 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

emotions or his thoughts ; he was always cahn, steely, im- 
perturbable. That Enver certainly lacked Napoleon's penetration 
is evident from the way in which he had planned to obtain the 
supreme power, for he early alhed his personal fortunes with 
Germany. For years his sj'mpathies had been with the Kaiser. 
Germany, the German Army and Navy, the German language, the 
German autocratic sj'stem, exercised a fatal charm upon this early 
preacher of Turkish democracy. When Hamid fell, Enver 
had gone on a mihtary mission to Berlin, and here the Kaiser 
immediately detected in him a possible instrument for working 
out his plans in the Orient, and cultivated him in numerous 
ways. Afterward Enver spent a considerable time in Berhn as 
military attache, and this experience still further attached him 
to Germany. The man who returned to Constantinople was 
almost more German than Turkish. He had learned to speak 
German fluently, he was aping Germany in all matters, he was 
even wearing a moustache sUghtly curled up at the ends ; indeed, 
he had been completely captivated by Prussianism. As soon as 
Enver became Minister of War, Wangenheim flattered and I 
cajoled the young man, played upon his ambitions, and doubtless 
promised him Germany's complete support in achieving them. 
In his private conversation Enver made no secret of his admira- 
tion foi Germany. 

Thus Enver's elevation to the Ministry of War w^as \irtually 
a German victory. He immediately instituted a drastic reorgani- 
sation. Enver told me himself that hs had accepted the post i 
only on condition that he should have a fres hand ; and this free 
hand he now proceeded to exercise. The army still contained a 
large number of officers who inclined to the old regime rather 
than to the Young Turks — many of whom were partisans of the 
murdered Nazim. Enver promptly cashiered 26S of these, and 
put in their places Turks who were known as " U. and P." men 
and many Germans. The Enver-Talaat group always feared a 
revolution that would depose them as they had thrown out their 
predecessors. Many times did they tell me that their own 
success as revolutionists had taught them how easily a few 
determined men could seize control of the country ; they did 
not propose, they said, to have a little group in their army 
organise such a coup d'etat against them. The boldness of Enver's 
move alarmed even Talaat, but Enver showed the determination 
of his character and refused to reconsider his action, though one 
of the officers removed was Chukri Pasha, who had defended 
Adrianople in the Balkan war. Enver issued a circular to theijl 
Turkish commanders practically telling them that they must look jp 



It 



The " Boss System " 21 

to him for pnfonr.cnt alone, and that tiii-y could make no licad- 
way bv playing politics with any group cxcrpt that dominated 
h\ the Young Turks. 

Thus, Enver's first acts were the beginnings in the Prussiafica- 
tiiin of the Turkish Army, but Talaat was not an enthusiastic 
Germcm like his associate. He had no intention of playing 
Germany's game ; he was working chiefly for the Committee and 
for himself. But he could not succeed unless he had control of 
the army, and therefore he had made Enver, for years his 
closest associate in " U. and P." politics, Minister of War. 
Again, he needed a strong army if he was to have any at all, and 
therefore he turned to the one source where he could find assist- 
ance — to Germany. Wangenheim and Talaat, in the latter part 
of 1913, had arranged that the Kaiser should send a miUtary 
\ mission to reorganise the Turkish Army. Talaat told me that en 
I calling in this mission he was using Germany, though Germany 
' thought that it was using him. That there were definite dangers 
[ in the move he well understood. A deputy who discussed this 
I situation with Talaat in January, 1914, has given me a memoran- 
dum of a conversation which shows well what was going on in 
Talaat 's mind. 

" Why do you hand the management of the country over to 
the Germans? " asked this deputy, referring to the German 
mihtar}' mission. " Don't j'ou see that this is part of Germany's 
plan to make Turkey a German colony ? That we shall become 
merely another Egypt ? " 

" We understand perfectly," repUed Talaat, " that that is 
Germany's programme. We also know that we cannot put this 
rountry on its feet with our own resources. We shall, therefore, 
t.'ke advantage of such technical and material assistance as the 
r,t rmans ran place at our disposal. We shall use Germany to 
help us reconstruct and defend the country until we are able to 
govern ourselves with our own strength. When that day comes, 
we can say good-bye to the Germans within twenty-four hours." 
Certainl}^ the physical condition of the Turkish Army betrayed 
the need of assistance from some source. The picture it pre- 
sented, before the Germans arrived, I have always regarded as 
portraj-ing the condition of the whole Empire. When I issued 
invitations for my first reception a large number of Turkish 
officials asked to be permitted to come in evening clothes ; 
they said that they had no uniforms and no money with 
which to purchase or to hire them. They had not received their 
salaries for three and a half months. As the Grand Vizier, who 
regulates the etiquette of such functions, still insisted on full 



22 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

military dress, many of these officials had to absent themselves. 
About the same time the new German mission asked the Com- 
mander of the Second Army Corps to exercise his men, but the 
Commander replied that he could not do so as his men had no 
shoes ! 

Desperate and wicked as Talaat subsequently showed himself 
to be, I still think that he, at least then, was not a willing tool of 
Germany. An episode that involved myself bears out this view. 
In describing the relations of the great Powers to Turkey I have 
said nothing about the United States. In fact, we had no 
important business relations at that time. The Turks regarded 
us as a country of ideahsts and altruists, and the fact that we spent 
millions in building wonderful educational institutions in their 
country purely from philanthropic motives aroused their astonish- 
ment and possibly their admiration. They hked Americans and 
regarded us as about the only disinterested friends whom they had 
among the nations. But our interest in Turkey was small ; the 
Standard Oil Company did a growing business, the Singer Com- 
pany sold sewing machines to the Armenians, we bought much 
of their tobacco, figs, and rugs, and gathered their Hquorice root. 
In addition to these activities, missionaries and educational 
experts were about our only contacts with the Turkish Empire. 
The Turks knew that we had no desire to dismember their 
country or to mingle in Balkan politics. The very fact that my 
country was so disinterested was perhaps the reason why Talaat 
discussed Turkish affairs so freely with me. In the course of 
these conversations I frequently expressed my desire to serve 
them, and Talaat and some of the other members of the Cabinet 
got into the habit of consulting me on business matters. Soon 
after my arrival, I made a speech at the American Chamber of 
Commerce in Constantinople ; Talaat, Djemal, and other im- 
portant leaders were present. I talked about the backward 
economic state of Turkey, and admonished them not to be 
discouraged. I described the condition of the United States 
after the Civil War, and made the point that our devastated 
Southern States presented a spectacle not unlike that of Turkey 
at that present moment. I then related how^ we had gone to 
work, realised on our resources, and built up the present thriving 
nation. My remarks apparently made a deep impression, 
especially my statement that after the Civil War the United 
States had become a large borrower in foreign money markets 
and had invited immigration from all parts of the world. 

This speech apparently gave Talaat a new idea. It was not 
impossible that the United States might furnish him the material 



The " Boss System " 23 

support which ho had been seeking in Europe. Already I had 
suggested that an American financial expert should be sent to 
studv Turkish finance, and in this connection I had mentioned 
Mr. Henrv Bni^re, of New York— a suggestion which the Turks 
had favourably received. At that time Turkey's greatest need 
was monev. France had financed Turkey for many years, and 
French bankers, in the spring of IQ14. were negotiating for 
another large loan. Though Germany had made some loans, the 
ccndition of the TVrlin money market at that time did not en- 
courage the Turks to expect much assistance from that source. 

In late December, 1913, Bustany Effendi, a Christian Arab, 
and Minister of Commerce and Agriculture, who spoke English 
fluently— he had been Turkish commissioner to the Chicago 
World's Fair in 1803— called and approached me on the question 
of an American loan. Bustany asked if there were not American 
financiers who would take entire charge of the reorganisation of 
Turkish finance. His plea was really a cry of despair and it 
touched me deeply. As I \vrote in my diary at the time, " They 
seem to be scraping the box for money." But I had been in 
Turkey only six weeks, and obviously t had no information on 
which I could recommend such a large contract to American 
bankers. I informed him that my advice would not carry 
much weight in the United States unless it were based on a 
complete knowledge of economic conditions in Turkey. Talaat 
came to me a few davs later, suggesting that I make a prolonged 
tour over the Empire and study the situation at first hand. 
Meanwhile he asked if I could not arrange a small temporary 
loan to tide them over the interim. He said there was no 
money in the Turkish Treasury ; if I could only get them 
$5,000,000, that would satisfy them. I told Talaat that I would 
try to get this money for them and that I would adopt his 
suggestion and inspect his Empire with the possible idea of 
interesting American investors. After obtaining the consent of 
the State Department I wTote to my nephew and business 
associate. Mr. Robert E. Simon, asking him to sound certain New 
York institutions and bankers on making a small short-time 
collateral loan to Turkey. Mr. Simon's investigations soon dis- 
closed that a Turkish loan did not seem to be regarded as an 
attractive business undertaking in New York. Mr. Simon wrote, 
however, that Mr. C. K. G. Bilhngs had shown much interest in 
the idea ; and that, if I desired, Mr. Bilhngs would come out in 
his yacht and discuss the matter with the Turkish Cabinet and 
with me. In a few days Mr. Billings had started for Con- 
stantinople. 



24 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

The news of Mr. Billings's approach spread with great 
rapidity all over the Turkish capital ; the fact that he was 
coming in his own private yacht seemed to magnify the import- 
ance and the glamour of the event. That a great American 
millionaire was prepared to reinforce the depleted Turkish 
Treasury and that this support was merely the preUminary step 
in the reorganisation of Turkish finances by American capitalists 
produced a tremendous flutter in the foreign embassies. So 
rapidly did the information spread, indeed, that I rather suspected 
that the Turkish Cabinet had taken no particular pains to keep 
it secret. This suspicion was strengthened by a visit which I 
received from the Chief Rabbi Nahoum, who informed me that 
he had come at the request of Talaat. " There is a rumour," 
said the Chief Rabbi, " that Americans are about to make a loan 
to Turkey. Talaat would be greatly pleased if you would not 
contradict it." Wangenheim displayed an almost hysterical 
interest ; the idea of America coming to the financial assistance of 
Turkey did not fall in with his plans at all, for in his eyes Turkey's 
poverty was chiefly valuable as a means of forcing the Empire 
into Germany's hands. One day I showed Wangcnh?im a book 
containing etchings cf Mr. Billings's homes, pictures, and horses ; 
he showed a great interest, not only in the horses — ^Wangenheim 
was something of a horseman himself — but in this tangible 
evidence of great wealth. For the next few days ambassador after 
ambassador and minister after minister filed into my office, each 
solemnly asking for a glimpse at this book ! As the time 
approached for Mr. Bilhngs's arrival Talaat began making 
elaborate plans for his entertainment ; he consulted with me as 
to whom we should invite to the proposed dinners, lunches, and 
receptions. As usual, Wangenheim got in ahead of the rest. 
He could not come to the dinner which we had planned, and asked 
me to have him for lunch, and in this way he met Mr. Billings 
several hours before the other diplomats. Mr. BilHngs frankly 
told him that he was interested in Turkey and that it was not 
unlikely that he v/ould make the loan. 

In the evening we gave the Billings party a dinner, all the 
important members of the Turkish Cabinet being present. 
Before this dinner, Talaat, Mr. Billings, and myself had a long 
talk about the loan. Talaat inform.ed us that the French 
bankers had accepted their terms that very day, and that they 
would, therefore, need no American money at that time. He was 
exceedingly gracious and grateful to Mr. Billings and profuse in 
expressing his thanks. Indeed, he might well have been, for 
Mr. Billings's arrival enabled Turkey at last to close negotiations 



The " Boss System " 25 

with the French bankers. His attempt to express his apprecia- 
tion had one curious manifestation. Enver, the second man in 
the Cabinet, was celebrating his wedding when Mr. RilHngs 
arrived. The progress which Enver was making in the Turkish 
world is evidenced from the fact that, aUhough Enver, as I have 
said, came of the humblest stock, his bride was a daughter of the 
Turkish Imperial House. Turkish weddings are prolonged 
affairs, lasting two or three days. The day following the 
Embassy dinner Talaat gave the Billings party a luncheon at the 
Cercle d 'Orient, and he insisted that Enver should leave his 
wedding ceremony long enough to attend this function. Enver, 
therefore, came to the luncheon, sat through all the speeches, 
and then returned to his bridal party. 

I am convinced that Talaat did not regard this Billings episode 
as closed. As I look back upon this transaction I see clearly that 
he was seeking to extricate his country, and that the possibihty 
that the United States would assist him in performing the rescue 
was ever present in his mind. He frequently spoke to me of Mr. 
" Beelings," as he called him, and even after Turkey had broken 
with France and England and was depending on Germany for 
money, his mind still reverted to Mr. BiUings's visit. 



CHAPTER III 



" THE PERSONAL REPRESENTATIVE OF THE KAISER — 
WANGENHEIM OPPOSES THE SALE OF 

AMERICAN WARSHIPS IN GREECE ^ 

But even in March, 1914, the Germans had pretty well tightened 
their hold on Turkey. Liman von Sanders, who had arrived in 
December, had become the predominant influence in the Turkish 
Army. At first von Sanders's appointment aroused no particular 
hostihty.f or German missions had been called in before to instruct 
the Turkish Army, notably that of von der Goltz ; and an Eng- 
lish naval mission, headed by Admiral Limpus, was even then in 
Turkey attempting the difficult task of reorganising the Turkish 
Navy. We soon discovered, however, that the Von Sanders 
mihtary mission was something quite different from those which 
I have named. Even before Von Sanders's arrival it had been 
announced that he was to take command of the First Turkish 
Army Corps, and that General Broussart von Schnellendorf was 
to become Chief of Staff. The appointments signified nothing 
less than that the Kaiser had almost completed his plans to annex 
the Turkish Army to his own. To show the power which von 
Sanders's appointment had given him, it is only necessary to say 
that the First Army Corps practically controlled Constantinople. 
These changes clearly showed to what an extent Enver Pasha 
had become a cog in the Prussian system. Naturally the 
representations of the Entente Powers could not tolerate such a 
usurpation by Germany. The British, French, and Russian 
Ambassadors immediately called upon the Grand Vizier and 
protested with more warmth than politeness over von Sanders's 
elevation. The Turkish Cabinet hummed and hawed in the 
usual way, protested that the change was not important, but 
finally withdrew von Sanders's appointment as head of the First 
Army Corps, and made him Inspector-General. However, this 
did not greatly improve the situation, for this post really gave 
Von Sanders greater power than the one which he had held 
before. Thus, by January, 1914, seven months before the 
Great War began, Germany held this position in the Turkish 
Army : a German general was Chief of Staff ; another was 



"The Personal Representative of the Kaiser" 27 

Inspector-General ; scores of German officers held commands 
of the first importance, and the Turkish politician who was even 
then an outspoken champion of Germany, Enver Bey, was 
Minister of War. 

After securing this diplomatic triumph Wangenheim was 
granted a vacation — he had certainly earned it — and Giers, the 
Russian Ambassador, went of? on a vacation at the same time. 
Baroness Wangenheim explained to me — I was ignorant at this 
time of all these subtleties of diplomacy— precisely what these 
vacations signified. Wangenheim 's leave of absence, she said, 
meant that the German Foreign Office regarded the von Sanders 
episode as closed— and closed with a German \ictory. Giers 's 
furlough, she explained, meant that Russia declined to accept 
this point of \new. and that, so far as Russia was concerned, the 
von Sanders affair had not ended. I remember writing to my 
family that, in this mysterious Balkan diplomacy, the nations 
talked to each other with acts, not words, and I instanced Baroness 
Wangenheim's ex-planation of these diplomatic vacations as a 
case in point. 

An incident which took place in my own house opened all our 
eyes to the seriousness with which von Sanders regarded this 
military' mission. On February i8th I gave my first diplomatic 
dinner ; General von Sanders and his two daughters attended, 
the general sitting next to my daughter Ruth. My daughter, 
however, did not have a very enjoyable time ; this German 
Field-Marshal, sitting there in his gorgeous uniform, his breast all 
sparkling with medals, did not say a word throughout the whole 
meal. He ate his food silently and sulkily, all my daughter's 
attempts to enter into conversation evoking only an occasional 
surlv monosyllable. The beha\iour of this great military leader 
was that of a spoiled child. 

At the end of the dinner von Mutius, the German charge 
d'affaires, came up to me in a high state of excitement. It was 
some time before he could sufficiently control his agitation to 
deliver his message. 

" You have made^'a terrible mistake, Mr. Ambassador," he 
said. 

" What is that ? " I asked, naturally taken aback. 

" You have greatly offended Field-Marshal von Sanders. 
You have placed him at the dinner lower in rank than the 
foreign Ministers. He is the personal representative of the 
Kaiser, and as such is entitled to equal rank with the Ambassa- 
dors. He should have been placed ahead of the Cabinet Ministers 
and the Foreign Ministers." 



28 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

So I had affronted the Emperor himself ! This, then, was 
the explanation of von Sanders's boorish behaviour. For- 
tunately, my position was an impregnable one. I had not 
arranged the seating precedence at this dinner ; I had sent the 
list of my guests to the Marquis Pallavicini, the Austrian Am- 
bassador and dean of the diplomatic corps, and the greatest 
authority in Constantinople on such dehcate points as this. The 
Marquis had returned the list, marking in red ink against each 
name the order of precedence — i, 2, 3, 4, 5, etc. I still possess 
this document, as it came from the Austrian Embassy, and 
General von Sanders's name appears with the numerals " 13 " 
against it. I must admit, however, that " the thirteenth chair " 
did bring him pretty well to the foot of the table. 

I explained the situation to von Mutius and asked Mr. 
Panfili, conseiller of the Austrian Embassy, who was a guest at 
the dinner, to come up and make everything clear to the outraged 
German diplomat. As the Austrians and Germans were allies, 
it was quite apparent that the slight, if slight there had been, was 
unintentional. Panfili said that he had been puzzled over the 
question of von Sanders's position, and had submitted the 
question to the Marquis. The outcome was that the Austrian 
Ambassador had himself fixed von Sanders's rank at No. 13. 
But the German Embassy did not let the matter rest there, for 
afterward Wangenheim called on Palla\dcini, and discussed the 
matter with considerable liveliness. 

" If Liman von Sanders represents the Kaiser, whom do you 
represent ? " Pallavicini asked Wangenheim. The argument 
was a good one, as the Ambassador is always regarded as the 
alter ego of his Sovereign. 

"It is not customary," continued the Marquis, "for an 
Emperor to have two representatives at the same Court." 

As the Marquis was unyielding, Wangenheim carried the 
question to the Grand Vizier. But Said Hahm refused to assume 
responsibility for so momentous a decision and referred the 
dispute to the Council of Ministers. This body solemnly sat upon 
the question and rendered this verdict : von Sanders should rank 
ahead of the Ministers of foreign countries, but below the mem- 
bers of the Turkish Cabinet. Then the foreign Ministers lifted 
up their voices in protest. Von Sanders not only became 
exceedingly unpopular for raising this question, but the dicta- 
torial and autocratic way in which he did it aroused general 
disgust. The Ministers declared that, if von Sanders were ever 
given precedence at any function of this kind, they would leave 
the table in a body. The net result was that von Sanders was 



"The Personal Representative of the Kaiser" 29 

never again invited to a diplomatic dinner. Sir Louis Mallet, 
the British Ambassador, took a sardonic interest in the episode. 
It was lucky, he said, that it had not happened at his Embassy ; 
if it had, the newspapers would have had columns about the 
strained relations between England and Germany ! 

After all, this proceeding did have great international im- 
portance. Von Sanders's personal vanity had led him to betray 
a diplomatic secret ; he was not merely a drill master who had 
been sent to instruct the Turkish Army ; he was precisely what 
he had claimed to be — the personal representative of the Kaiser. 
The Kaiser had selected him just as he had selected Wangenheim, 
as an instrument for working his will in Turkey. Afterward von 
Sanders told me, with all that pride which German aristocrats 
manifest when speaking of their imperial master, how the Kaiser 
had talked to him a couple of hours the day he had appointed 
him to this Constantinople mission, and how, the day that he had 
started, Wilhclm had spent another hour giving him final 
instructions. I reported this dinner incident to my Government 
as indicating Germany's grovsing ascendancy in Turkey, and I 
presume the other Ambassadors likewise reported it to their 
Governments. The American military attache. Major John 
R. M. Taylor, who was present, attributed the utmost significance 
to it. A month after the occurrence he and Captain McCauley, 
commanding the Scorpion, the American stationaire at Constan- 
tinople, had lunch at Cairo with Lord Kitchener. The luncheon 
was a small one, only the Americans, Lord Kitchener, his sister, 
and an aide making up the party. Major Taylor related this 
incident, and Kitchener displayed much interest. 

" What do you think it signifies ? " asked Kitchener. 

" I think it means," Major Taylor said, " that when the big 
war comes, Turkey will probably be the ally of Germany. If she 
is not in direct alliance, at least I think that she will mobiUse on 
the line of the Caucasus and thus divert three Russian army corps 
from the European theatre of operations." 

Kitchener thought for a moment and then said, " I agree 
with you." 

And now for several months we had before our eyes this 
spectacle of the Turkish Army actually under the control of 
Germany. German officers drilled the troops daily — all, I am 
now convinced, in preparation for the approaching war. Just 
what results had been accomplished appeared when, in July, 
there was a great military review. The occasion was a splendid 
and a gala affair. TIh; Sultan attended in state ; he sat under a 
beautifully decorated tent and held a littlecourt, and the Khedive 



30 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

of Egypt, the Crown Prince of Turkey, the Princes of the imperial 
blood and the entire Cabinet were also on hand. We now saw 
that, in the preceding six months, the Turkish Army had been 
completely Prussianised. What in January had been an un- 
disciphned, ragged rabble was now parading with the goose-step ; 
the men were clad in German field-grey, and they even wore a 
casque-shaped head-covering, which sUghtly suggested the 
German pickelhaube. The German officers were immensely 
proud of the exhibition, and the transformation of the wretched 
Turkish soldiers of January into these neatly-dressed, smartly- 
stepping, splendidly manoeuvring troops was really a creditable 
military achievement. When the Sultan invited me to his tent I 
naturally congratulated him upon the excellent showing of his 
men. He did not manifest much enthusiasm ; he said that he 
regretted the possibihty of war ; he was at heart a pacifist. I 
noticed certain conspicuous a bsences from this great German fte, 
for the French, British, Russian, and Italian Ambassadors had 
kept away. Bompard said that he had received his ten tickets 
but that he did not regard that as an invitation. Wangenheim 
told me, with some satisfaction, that the other Ambassadors 
were jealous, and that they did not care to see the progress which 
the Turkish Army had made under German tutelage. I did not. 
have the shghtest doubt that these Ambassadors refused to 
attend because they had no desire to grace this German hoHday ; 
nor did I blame them. 

Meanwhile I had other evidences that Germany was playing 
her part in Turkish poHtics. In June the relations between 
Greece and Turkey reached the breaking-point. The Treaty of 
London (May 30, 1913) had left Greece in possession of the islands 
of Chios and Mitylene. A reference to the map discloses the 
strategic importance of these islands. They stand there in the 
iEgean Sea hke guardians controlling the Bay and the great port 
of Smyrna, and it is quite apparent that any strong military nation 
which permanently held these vantage points would ultimately 
control Smj'Tua and the whole iEgean coast of Asia Minor. The 
racial situation made the continued retention of these islands by 
Greece a constant mihtary danger to Turkey. Their population 
was Greek and had been Greek since the days of Homer ; the 
coast of Asia Minor itself was also Greek ; more than half the 
population of Smyrna, Turkey's greatest Mediterranean seaport, 
was Greek ; in its industries, its commerce, and its culture the 
city was so predominantly Greek that the Turks usually referred 
to it as giaour Ismir — "infidel Smj^na." Though this Greek 
population was nominally Ottoman in nationality, it did not 



"The Personal Representative of the Kaiser " 31 

conceal its affection for the Greek fatherland, these Asiatic 
Greeks e\-en making contributions to the Greek Government. 
The /Egean islands and the mainland, in fact, constituted 
Gruccia Irredenta, and that Greece was determined to redeem 
them, precisely as she had recently redeemed Crete, was no 
diplomatic secret. Should the Greeks ever land an army on 
this Asia Minnr coast, there was little question that the native 
Greek pupulatiun would welcome it enthusiastically and co- 
operate with it. 

Since Germany, however, had her own plans for Asia Minor, 
naturally the Greeks in this region formed a barrier to Pan- 
German aspirations. As long as this region remained Greek it 
formed a natural obstacle to Germany's road to the Persian 
Gulf, precisely as did Serbia. Anyone who has read even 
cursorily the hterature of Pan-Germania is familiar with the 
pecuhar German method which German publicists have advocated 
for deaUng with populations that stand in Germany's way. 
That is, by deportation. The violent shifting of w'hole peoples 
from one part of Europe to another, as though they were so 
many herds of cattle, has for years been part of the Kaiser's 
plans for German expansion. This is the treatment which, 
since the war began, Germany has apphedto Belgium, to Poland, 
to Serbia, and its most hideous manifestation, as I shall show, 
has been to Armenia. Acting under Germany's prompting, 
Turkey now began to apply this principle of deportation to 
her Greek subjects in Asia Minor. Three years afterw^ards 
the German Admiral Usedom, who had been stationed in the 
Dardanelles dunng the bombardment, told me that it was the 
• rermans " who urgently made the suggestion that the Greeks be 
moved from the sea-shore." The German motive. Admiral 
Usedom said, was purely mihtary. Whether Talaat and his 
associates reahsed that they were playing the German game I am 
not sure, but there is no doubt that the Germans were con- 
stantly instigating them in this congenial task. 

The events that followed foreshadowed the policy adopted in 
the Armenian massacres. The Turkish officials pounced upon 
tlie Greeks, herded them in groups and marched them toward 
lie ships. They gave them no time to settle their private 
-Ufairs, and they took no pains to keep famihes together. The 
plan was to transport the Greeks to the wholly Greek islands in 
the i-Egean. Naturally the Greeks rebelled against such treat- 
ment, and occasional massacres were the result, especially in 
Phocaea, where more than hfty people were murdered. The 
Turks demanded that all foreign establishments in Smyrna 



32 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

dismiss their,, Greek employes — and replace them with Moslems. 
Among other American concerns, the Singer Manufacturing 
Compan}? received such instructions, and though I interceded 
and obtained sixty days' delay, ultimately thi'^ American 
concern had to obey the mandate. An official boycott was 
estabUshed against all Christians, not only in Asia Minor, but 
in Constantinople, but this boycott did not discriminate against 
the Jews, who have always been more popular with the Turks 
than have the Christians. The officials particularly requested 
Jewish merchants to put signs over their doors indicating their 
nationality and trade — such signs as "Abraham the Jew, tailor," 
" Isaac the Jew, shoemaker," and the like. I looked upon this 
boycott as illustrating the topsy-turvy national organisation of 
Turkey, for here we had a nation engaging in a commercial 
boycott against its own subjects. 

This procedure against the Greeks not improperly aroused my 
indignation. I did not have the sUghtest suspicion at that time 
that the Germans had instigated these deportations, but I looked 
upon them merely as an outburst of Turkish ferocity and 
chauvinism. By this time I knew Talaat well ; I saw him nearly 
every day and he used io discuss practically every phase of 
international relations with me. I objected vigorously to his 
treatment of the Greeks ; I told him that it would make the worst 
possible impression abroad and that it affected American interests. 
Talaat explained liis national poHcy ; these different hlocs in the 
Turkish Empire, he said, had always conspired against Turkey ; 
because of the hostihty of these native populations, Turkey had 
lost province after province — Greece, Serbia, Rumania, Bulgaria, 
Bosnia, Herzegovina, Egypt, and TripoH. In this way the 
Turkish Empire had dwindled almost to the vanishing point. 
If what was left of Turkey was to survive, added Talaat, he 
must get rid of these alien peoples."'^'^ " Turkey for the Turks " was 
now Talaat 's controlHng idea. Therefore he proposed to Turkify 
Smyrna and the adjoining islands. Already 40,000 Greeks had 
left, and he asked me again to urge on American business houses 
to employ only Turks. He said that the accounts of violence and 
murder had been greatly exaggerated, and suggested that a com- 
mission be sent to investigate. " They want a commission to 
whitewash Turkey," Sir Louis Mallet, the British Ambassador, 
told me. True enough, when this commission did bring in its 
report, it exculpated Turkey. 

The Greeks in Turkey had one great advantage over the 
Armenians, for there was such a thing as a Greek Government, 
which naturally had a protecting interest in them. The Turks 



urn 




*v- 




^' 






^, inry^rwii'ii'rfff^^ rriitTi'r-'i"'"ir '"'■* 



15; I roll, \\':iriL'riili(im. ( .ciiiiaii Ainl)a.ssa<l(ir 



[To fac(p. 32 




M. Tocheff, Bulgarian Minister at Constantinople 



♦• The Personal Representative of the Kaiser " 33 

knew that these deportations would precipitate a war with 
Greece ; in fact, they welcomed such a war and were preparing 
for it. So enthusiastic were the Turkisli people that they had 
raised money by popular subscriptum and had purchased a 
Brazilian dreadnought which was then under construction in 
England. The Government had ordered also a second dread- 
nought in England, and several submarines and destroyers in 
France. The purpose of these naval preparations was no secret 
in Constantinople. As soon as they obtained these ships, or 
even the one dreadnought which was nearing completion, 
Turkey intended to attack Greece and take back the islands. 
A single modern battleship like the Sultan Osman — this was the 
name the Turks had given the Brazilian vessel — could easily 
overpower the whole Greek Navy and control the ^Egean Sea. 
As this powerful vessel would be finished and commissioned in 
a few months we all expected the Greco-Turkish war to break 
out in the fall. What could the Greek Nav}^ possibly do in face 
of this impending danger ? 

!. Such was the situation when, early in June, I received a most 
agitated visitor. This was Djemal Pasha, the Turkish Minister 
of Marine, and one of the three men who then dominated the 
Turkish Empire. I have hardly ever seen a man who appeared 
more utterly worried than was Djemal on this occasion. As he 
l)egan talking excitedly to my interpreter in French, his whiskers 
trembhng with his emotions and his hands wildly gesticulating, 
he seemed to be almost beside himself. I knew enough French 
to understand what he was saving, and the news which he 
brought— this was the first I had heard of it— sufficiently ex- 
plained his agitation. The American Government, he said, was 
negotiating with Greece for the sale of two battleships, the Idaho 
and the Mississippi. He urged that I should immediatelv move 
to prevent any such sale. His attitude was that of a suppliant ; 
he begged, he implored that I should intervene. All along, he 
said, the Turks regarded the United States as their best friend. 
I had frequently expressed my desire to Help them ; well, here 
was the chance to show our good feeling. The fact that Greece 
and Turkey were practically on the verge of war, said* Djemal, 
really made the sale of the ships an unneutral act. Still, if the 
transaction were purely a commercial one, Turkey would like a 
chance to bid. " We 'will pay more than Greece," he added. 
He ended with a powerful plea that I should at once cable my 
Government about the matter, and this I promised to do. 

Evidently the clever Greeks had turned the tables on their 
enemy. Turkey had rather too boldly advertised her intention 



34 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

of attacking Greece as soon as she had received her dreadnought. 
Both the ships for which Greece was now negotiating were 
immediately available for battle ! The Idaho and Mississippi 
were not indispensable ships for the American Navy ; they could 
not take their place in the first line of battle ; they were powerful 
enough, however, to drive the whole Turkish Navy from the 
lEgQaxi. Evidently the Greeks did not intend politely to post- 
pone the impending war until the Turkish dreadnought had been 
finished, but to attack as soon as they received these American 
ships. Djemal's legal point, of course, had no validity. How- 
ever much war might threaten, Turkey and Greece were still 
actually at peace. Clearly Greece had just as much right to 
purchase warships in the United States as Turkey had to purchase 
them in Brazil or England. 

But Djemal was not the only statesman who attempted to 
prevent the sale ; the German Ambassador displayed the 
keenest interest. Several days after Djemal's visit Wangenheim 
and I were riding in the hills north of Constantinople. Wangen- 
heim began to talk about the Greeks — to whom he displayed a 
violent antipathy — about the chances of war, and the projected 
sale of American warships. He made a long argument about the 
sale, his reasoning being precisely the same as Djemal's — a fact 
which aroused my suspicions that he had himself coached 
Djemal for his interview with me. 

" Just look at the dangerous precedent you are establishing," 
said Wangenheim. " It is not unlikely that the United States 
may some time find itself in a position like Turkey's to-day. 
Suppose that you were on the brink of war with Japan ; then 
England could sell a fleet of dreadnoughts to Japan. How would 
the United States like that ? " 

And then he made a statement which indicated what really 
lay back of his protest. I have thought of it many times in the 
last three years. The scene is indeUbly impressed on my 
mind. There we sat on our horses ; the silent, ancient forest of 
Belgrade lay around us, while in the distance the Black Sea 
glistened in the afternoon sun. Wangenheim suddenly became 
quiet and extremely earnest. He looked in my eyes and said : 

" I don't think that the United States realises what a serious 
matter this is. The sale of these ships might be the cause that 
would bring on a European war." 

This conversation took place on June 13 ; this was about six 
weeks before the conflagration broke out. Wangenheim knew 
perfectly well that Germany was rushing preparations for this 
great conflict, and he also knew that the preparations were not yet 



•' The Personal Representative of the Kaiser " 35 

entirely complete. Like all the German Ambassadors, Wangen- 
heim had received instructions not to let any crisis arise that 
would precipitate war until all these preparations had been 
finished. He had no objection to the expulsion of the Greeks, 
for that in itself was part of these preparations ; he was much 
disturbed, however, over the prospect that the Greeks might 
succeed in arming themselves and clisturbing existing conditions 
in the Balkans. At that moment the Balkans were a smouldering 
volcano. Europe had gone through two Balkan wars without 
becoming generally involved, and Wangcnheim knew that 
another would set the whole continent ablaze. He knew that 
war was coming, but he did not want it just then. He was 
simply attempting to influence me at that moment to gain a little 
more time for Germany. 

He went so far as to ask me to cable personally to the Presi- 
dent, explain the seriousness of the situation, and to call his 
attention to the telegrams that had gone to the State Department 
on the proposed sale of the ships. I regarded his suggestion as 
an impertinent one and declined to act upon it. 

To Djemal and the other Turkish officials wlio kept pressing 
me I suggested that their Ambassador in Washington should 
directly take up the matter with the President. They acted on 
this advice, but the Greeks again got ahead of them. At two 
o'clock, June 22nd, the Greek charge d'affaires at Washington 
and Commander Tsouklas, of the Greek Nav}', called upon the 
President and arranged the sale. As they left the President's 
office the Turkish Ambassador entered — just fifteen minutes too 
late ! 

I presume that Mr. Wilson consented to the sale because he 
knew that Turkey was preparing to attack Greece and believed 
that the Idaho 3.nd Mississippi would prevent such an attack and 
so preserve peace in the Balkans. 

Acting under the authorisation of Congress, the Administra- 
tion sold these ships on July 8, 1914, to Fred J. Gauntlett for 
$12,535,276.98. Congress immediately voted the money realised 
from the sale to the construction of a great modern dreadnought, 
the California. Mr. Gauntlett transferred the ships to the Greek 
Government. Rechristened the Kilkis and the Lcmnos, these 
Ijattleships immediately took their places as the most powerful 
vessels in the Greek Navy, iind the enthusiasm of the Greeks in 
obtaining them was unl>:.unded. 

By this time we had moved frc m the Embassy to our summer 
home on the Bosphorus. All the summer Embassies were 
located there, and a more beautiful spot I have never seen. Our 



36 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

house was a three-storey building, something in the Venetian 
style ; behind it the cliff rose abruptly, with several terraced 
gardens towering one above the other. The building stood so 
near the shore and the waters of the Bosphorus rushed by so 
rapidly that when we sat outside, especially on a moonlight 
night, we had almost a complete illusion that we were sitting on 
the deck of a fast saihng-ship. In the daytimxe the Bosphorus, 
here little more than a mile wide, was alive with gaily-coloured 
craft. I recall this animated scene with particular vividness 
because I retain in my mind the contrast it presented a few 
months afterward, when Turkey's entrance into the war had the 
immediate result of closing this strait. Day by day the huge 
Russian steamships, on their way from Black Sea ports to 
Smyrna, Alexandria, and other cities, made clear the importance 
of this little strip of water, and explained the bloody contests of 
the European nations, extending over a thousand years, for its 
possession. However, these early summer months were peaceful ; 
all the Ambassadors and Ministers and their families were thrown 
constantly together ; here daily gathered the representatives of 
all the Powers that for the last three years have been grappHng 
in history's bloodiest war, all then apparently friends, sitting 
around the same dining-tables, walking arm-in-arm upon the 
porches. The Ambassador of one Power would most graciously 
escort into dinner the wife of another whose country was perhaps 
the most antagonistic to his own. Little groups would form 
after dinner ; the Grand Vizier would hold an impromptu reception 
in one corner. Cabinet Ministers would be whispering in another ; 
a group of Ambassadors would discuss the Greek situation out 
on the porch ; the Turkish officials would glance quizzically upon 
the animated scene and perhaps comment quietly in their own 
tongue ; the Russian Ambassador would ghde alDout the room, 
pick out someone whom he wished to talk to, lock arms and push 
him into a corner for a surreptitious tete-d-Ute. Meanwhile our 
sons and daughters, the junior members of the diplomatic corps, 
and the officers of the several stalionaires, dancing and flirting, 
seemed to think that the whole proceeding had been arranged 
solely for their amusement. And to reahse while all this was 
going on that neither the Grand Vizier nor any of the other high 
Turkish of&cials would leave the house without outriders and 
bodyguards to protect them from assassination — whatever other 
emotions such a vibrating atmosphere might arouse, it was 
certainly alive with interest. I felt also that there was something 
electric about it all ; war was ever the favourite topic of con- 
versation ; everyone seemed to realise that this peaceful, 



" The Personal Representative of the Kaiser " 37 

fri\(jlous life was transitory, and that at any moment might come 
the spark that was to set everything aflame. 

Yet, wluMi the crisis came, it produced no immediate sensation. 
On June 29th we heard of the assassination of the Grand Duke 
of Austria and his consort. Evi-rybody received the news cahnly ; 
there was, indeed, a stunned feeUng that something momentous 
had happened, but there was practically no excitement. A day 
or two after this tragedy I had a long talk with Talaat on 
diplomatic matters ; he made no reference at all to this event. 
I think now that we were all affected by a kind of emotional 
paralysis — as we were nearer the centre than most people, we 
certainly realised the dangers in the situation. In a day or two 
our tongues seemed to have been loosened, for we began to talk 
— and to talk war. When I saw von Mutius, the German charge, 
and Weitz, the diplomat-correspondent of the Frankfurter 
Zeitung, they also discussed the impending conflict, and again 
they gave their forecast a characteristically Germanic touch ; 
when war came, they said, of course the United States would 
take advantage of it to get all the Mexican and South American 
trade ! 

When I called upon Pallavicini to express my condolences 
over the Grand Duke's death, he received me with the most 
stately solemnity. He was conscious that he was representing 
the imperial family, and his grief seemed to be personal ; one 
would think that he had lost his own son. I expressed my 
abhorrence and that of my nation for the deed, and our sym- 
pathy with the aged Emperor. 

" Ja, ja, esistsehr schrecklich " (Yes, yes, it is very terrible), he 
answered, almost in a whisper. 

" Serbia will be condemned for her conduct," he added. 
" She wtU be compelled to make reparation." 

A few days later, when Pallavicini called upon me, he spoke 
of the nationalistic societies that Serbia had permitted to exist 
and of her determination to anne.x Bosnia and Herzegovina. He 
said that his Government would insist on the abandonment of 
these societies and these pretensions, and that probably a 
punitiv^e expedition into Serbia would be necessary to prevent 
such outrages as the murder of the Grand Duke. Herein I had 
my first intimation of the famous ultimatum of July 22nd. 

The entire diplomatic corps attended the requiem mass for 
the Grand Duke and Duchess, celebrated at the Church of Sainte 
Marie on July 4. The church is located in the Grande Rue do 
Pera, not far from the Austrian Embassy ; to reach it we had to 
descend a flight of forty stone steps. At the top of these stairs 



38 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

representatives of the Austrian Embassy, dressed in full uniform, 
with cr6pe on the left arm, met us, and escorted us to our seats. 
All the Ambassadors sat in the front pew ; I recall this with 
strange emotions now, for it was the last time that we ever sat 
together. The service was dignified and beautiful ; I remember 
it with especial vividness because of the contrasting scene that 
immediately followed. When the stately, gorgeously-robed 
priests had finished, we all shook hands with the Austrian 
Ambassador, returned to our automobiles, and started on our 
eight -mile ride along the Bosphorus to the American Embassy. 
For this day was not only the day when we paid our tribute to the 
murdered heir of this medieval autocracy ; it was also the Fourth 
of July. The very setting of the two scenes symbolised these 
two national ideals,. I always think of this ambassadorial group 
going down those stone steps to the church to pay their respect 
to the Grand Duke, and then going up to the gaily-decorated 
American Embassy to pay their respect to the Declaration of 
Independence. All the station ships of the foreign countries 
lay out in the stream, decorated and dressed in honour of our 
national hoUday ; and the Ambassadors and Ministers called in 
full regalia. From the upper gardens we could see the place 
where Darius crossed from Asia with his Persian hosts 2,500 
years before— one of those ancient autocrats the line of 
which is not j^et entirely extinct. There also we could see 
magnificent Robert College, an institution that represented 
America's conception of the way to "penetrate " the Turkish 
Empire. At night our gardens were illuminated with Chinese 
lanterns and good old American fireworks, lighting up the 
surrounding hills and the Bosphorus, and the American flag 
flying at the front of the house seemed almost to act as a 
challenge to the plentiful reminders of autocracy and oppression 
w-hich we had had in the early part of the day. Not more than 
a mile across the water the dark and gloomy hills of Asia, for 
ages the birthplace of military despotisms, caught a faint, and, 
I think, a prophetic, glow from these illuminations. 

In glancing at the little ambassadorial group at the church, 
and later at our reception, I was surprised to note that one 
famihar figure was missing. Wangenheim, Austria's ally, was 
not present. This somewhat puzzled me at the time, but 
afterward I had the explanation from Wangenheim 's own lips. 
He had left some days before for Berlin. The Kaiser had 
summoned liim to an Imperial Council, v/liich met on July 5th, 
and which decided to plunge Europe into war. 



CHAPTER IV 

GEKMANY MOBILISES THE TURKISH ARMY 

In reading the August newspapers which described the mobilisa- 
tions in Europe, I was particularly struck with the emphasis 
which they laid upon the splendid spirit that was overnight 
changing the civilian populations into armies. At that time 
Turkey had not entered the war, and her poUtical leaders were 
loudly protesting their intention to maintain a strict neutrality. 
Despite these pacific statements, the occurrences in Constan- 
tinople were almost as warlike as those that were taking place in 
the European capitals. Though Turkey was at peace, her army 
was mobihsing, merely, as we were told, as a precautionary 
measure. Yet the daily scenes which I witnessed in Constanti- 
nople bore few resemblances to these w hich were taking place 
in Europe. The martial patriotism of men and the sublime 
patience and sacrifice of women may sometimes give war 
an heroic aspect, but in Turkey the prospect was one of general 
listlessness and misery. Day by day the miscellaneous Ottoman 
hordes passed through the streets. Arabs, bootless and shoe- 
less, dressed in their most gaily-coloured garments, with long 
linen bags, containing the required five days' rations, thrown 
over their shoulders, shambhng in their gait and bewildered 
in their manner, touched shoulders with equally dispirited 
Bedouins, evidently suddenly snatched from the desert. A 
motley aggregation of Turks, Circassians, Greeks, Kurds, 
Armenians, and Jews, showing signs of having been summarily 
taken from their farms and shops, constantly jostled one another. 
Most were ragged, and many looked half-starved ; ever^-thing 
about them suggested hopelessness and a cattle-like submission 
to a fate which they knew they could not avoid. There was no 
joy of approaching battle, no feeling that they were sacrificing 
themselves for a mighty cause ; day by day they passed, the 
unwilling children of a tatterdemalion empire that was making 
one last despairing attempt ta gird itself for action. 

These NSTotched marchers Uttlc realised what was the power 
that was dragging them from the four corners of their country. 
Even we of the diplomatic group had not then clearly grasped 
the real situation. We learned afterwards that the signal for 



40 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

this mobilisation had not come originallyj'.from Enver or Talaat 
or the Turkish Cabinet, but the Greneral Staff in BerUn and its 
representatives in Constantinople, Liman von Sanders and 
Bronsart, were really directing the variegated operation. There 
were unmistakable signs of German activity. As soon as the 
German armies crossed the Rhine work was begun on a mammoth 
wireless station a few miles outside of Constantinople. The 
materials all came from Germany by way of Rumania, and the 
mechanics, industriously working from daybreak to sunset, were 
unmistakably Germans. Of course, the neutraUty laws would 
have prohibited the construction of a wireless station for a 
belUgerent in a neutral country like Turkey ; it was therefore 
officially announced that a German company was building this 
heaven-pointing structure for the Turkish Government and on 
the Sultan's own property. But this story deceived no one. 
Wangenheim, the German Ambassador, spoke of it freely and 
constantly as a German enterprise. 

" Have you seen our wireless yet ? " he would ask me, 
" Come on, let's ride up there and look it over." 

He proudly told me that it was the most powerful in the 
world — powerful enough to catch all messages sent by the Eiffel 
Tower in Paris ! He said that it would put him in constant 
communication with Berlin. So Uttle did he attempt to conceal 
its German ownership that several times, when ordinary tele- 
graphic communication was suspended, he offered to let me use it 
to send my telegrams. 

Tliis wireless plant was an outward symbol of the close though 
unacknowledged association which then existed between Turkey 
and Beilin. It took some time to finish such an extensive 
station, and in the interim Wangenheim was using the apparatus 
on the Corcovado, a German merchant-ship which was lying in 
the Bosphorus opposite the German Embassy. For practical 
purposes, Wangenheim had a constant telephone connection with 
Berlin. 

German officers were almost as active as the Turks themselves 
in this mobilisation. They enjoyed it all immensely ; indeed, they 
gave every sign that they were having the time of their hves. 
Bronsart, Humann, and Lafferts were constantly at Enver 's 
elbow, advising and directing the operations. German officers 
were rushing through the streets every day in huge automobiles, 
all requisitioned from the civiHan population ; they filled all the 
restaurants and amusement places at night and celebrated their 
joy in the situation by consuming large quantities of champagne 
— also requisitioned. A particularly spectacular and noisy 



Germany Mobilises the Turkish Army 41 

figure was tliat of von dcr Goltz Paslia. He was constantly 
making a kind of viceregal progress through the streets in a huge 
and madly-dashing automobile, on both sides of which flaring 
German eagles were painted. A trumpeter on the front seat 
would blow loud, deliant blasts as the conveyance rushed along, 
and woe to anyone, Turk or non-Turk, who happened to get in 
the way ! The Germans made no attempt to conceal their con- 
viction that they owned this town. Just as Wangenheim had 
established a little Wilhelmstrasse in his Embassy, so had the 
German miUtary men estabUshed a sub-station of the BerUn 
General Staff. They even brought their wives and families from 
Gemiany ; I heard Baroness Wangenheim remark that she was 
holding a little court of her own. 

The Germans, however, were about the only people who were 
enjojang this proceeding. The requisitioning that accompanied 
the mobilisation really amounted to a wholesale looting of the 
civilian population. The Turks took all the horses, mules, 
camels, sheep, cows, and other beasts that they could lay their 
hands on, Enver teUing me that they had gathered in 150,000 
animals. They did it most intelhgently, making no provision for U^ 
the continuance of the species ; thus they would leave only two 
cows or two mares in many of the villages. This system of 
requisitioning, as I shall describe, had the inevitable result of 
destrojing the nation's agriculture, and ultimately led to the 
starvation of hundreds of thousands of people. But the Turks, 
hke the Germans, thought that the war was destined to be a very 
^^hort one, and that they would quickly recuperate from the 
injuries which their methods of supplying an army were causing 
their peasant population. The Government showed precisely 
the same shamelessness and lack of intelligence in the way that 
they requisitioned materials from merchants and shopmen. 
These proceedings amounted to httle less than conscious high- 
waymanship. But practically none of these merchants were 
Moslems ; most of them were Christians, though there were a few 
Jews, and the Turkish of&cials therefore not only provided the 
needs of their army, and incidentally lined their own pockets, but 
ihey found a rehgious joy in pillaging the infidel estabUshments. 
They would enter a retail shop, take practically all the merchan- 
dise on the shelves, and give merely a piece of paper in acknow- 
ledgment. As the Government had never paid for the supplies 
which it had taken in the Italian and Balkan Wars, the merchants 
liardly expected that they would ever receive anytliing for these 
latest reqmsitions. Afterward, many who understood officialdom, 
and were poUtically influential, did recover to the extent of 



42 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

70 per cent. — what became of the remaining 30 per cent, is not a 
secret to those who have had experience with Turkish bureaucrats. 

Thus, for most of the population, requisitioning simply meant 
financial ruin. That the process was merely pillaging is shown 
by many of the materials which the army took, ostensibly for the 
use of the soldiers. Thus the officers seized all the mohair they 
could find; on occasion they even carried off women's silk stock- 
ings, corsets, and babies' shppers, and I heard one case in which 
they reinforced the Turkish commissary with caviar and other 
delicacies. They demanded blankets from one merchant who 
was a dealer in women's underwear ; because he had no such 
stock, they seized what he had, and he afterward saw his appro- 
priated goods reposing in rival establishments. The Turks did 
the same thing in many other cases. The prevailing system was 
to take movable property wherever available and convert it into 
cash ; where the money ultimately went I do not know, but that 
many private fortunes M^ere made I have httle doubt. I told 
Enver that this ruthless method of mobilising and requisitioning 
was destroying his country. Misery and starvation soon began 
to afflict the land. Out of 4,000,000 adult male population more 
than 1,500,000 were ultimately enlisted, and so about a million 
families were left without breadAdnners, all of them in a condition 
of extreme destitution. The Turkish Government paid its 
soldiers 25 cents a month, and gave the families a separation 
allowance of $1.20 a month. As a result, thousands were d5ing 
from lack of food and many more were enfeebled by malnutrition. 
I believe that the Empire has lost a quarter of its Turkish 
population since the war started. I a.sked Enver why he per- 
mitted his people to be destroyed in this way. But sufferings like 
these did not distress him. He was much impressed by his 
success in raising a large army with practically no money — 
something, he boasted, which no other nation had ever done 
before. In order to accomphsh this, Enver had issued orders 
which stigmatised the evasion of military service as desertion, 
and therefore punishable with the death penalty. He also 
adopted a scheme by which any Ottoman could obtain exemption 
by the payment of about $190. Still, Enver regarded his 
accomplishment as a notable one. It was really his first taste of 
unlimited power, and he enjoyed the experience greatly. 

That the Germans directed this mobilisation is not a matter 
of opinion but of proof. I need only instance that the Germans 
were requisitioning materials in their own name for their own 
use. I have a photographic copy of such a requisition made by 



Germany Mobilises the Turkish Army 43 

Humaiin, the German naval attache, lor a shipload of oil-cake. 
Tiiis document is dated September 29, 1914. " The lot by the 
steamship Dcrindjc which you mentioned in your letter of the 
.:')th." this paper reads, " has been requisitioned by me for the 
German Government." Tliis clearly shows that, a month before 
Turkey had entered the war, Germany was really exercising the 
powers 01 sovereignty at Constaiitinc^ple. 



CHAPTER V 



>y 



WANGENHEIM SMUGGLES THE " GOEBEN AND THE 
"BRESLAU" THROUGH THE DARDANELLES 

On August loth I went out on a little launch to meet the Sicilia, 
a small ItaUan ship which had just arrived from Venice. I was 
especially interested in this vessel because she was bringing to 
Constantinople my daughter and son-in-law, Mr. and Mrs. 
Maurice Wertheim, and their three httle daughters. The greeting 
proved even more interesting than I had expected. I found the 
passengers considerably excited, for they had witnessed, the day 
before, a naval engagement in the Ionian Sea. 

" We were lunching yesterday on deck," my daughter told 
me, " when I saw two strange-looking vessels just above the 
horizon. I ran for the glasses and made out two large battle- 
ships, the first one with two queer exotic-looking towers, and the 
other one quite an ordinary-looking battleship. We watched 
and saw another ship coming up behind them and going very fast. 
She came nearer and nearer, and then we heard guns booming. 
Pillars of water sprang up in the air and there were many httle 
puffs of white smoke. It took me some time to realise what it 
was all about, and then it burst upon me that we were actually 
witnessing an engagement. The ships continually shifted their 
position, but went on and on. The two big ones turned and 
rushed furiously for the Httle one, and then apparently they 
changed their minds and turned back. Then the little one turned 
around and calmly steamed in our direction. At first I was 
somewhat alarmed at this, but nothing happened. She circled 
around us with her tars excited and grinning, and somewhat 
grimy. They signalled to our captain many questions, and then 
turned and finally disappeared. The captain told us that the 
.two big ships were Germans which had been caught in the 
Mediterranean and which were tr5ang to escape from the British 
fleet. He says that the British ships are chasing them all over 
the Mediterranean, and that the German ships are trying to get 
into Constantinople. Have you seen anything of them ? Where 
do you suppose the British fleet is ? " 

A few hours afterward I happened to meet Wangenheim. 



The " Goeben " and the ♦' Breslau " 45 

When I told him what Mrs. Wortheim had seen, he displayed an 
agitated interest. Immediately after lunch he called at the 
American Embassy with Pallavicini, tlic Austrian Ambassador, 
and asked for an interview with my daughter. The two Am- 
bassadors solemnly planted themselves in chairs before Mrs. 
Wcrthcim and subjected her to a most minute, though very 
polite, cross-examination. " I never felt so important in my 
life," she afterwards told me. They would not permit her to 
leave out a single detail ; they wished to know how many shots 
had been fired, what direction the German ships had taken, what 
everybody on board Jiad said, and so on. The visit seemed to 
give these alhed Ambassadors immense reUef and satisfaction, 
for they left the house in an almost jubilant mood, behaving as 
though a great weight had been taken off their minds. And 
certainly they had good reason for their elation. My daughter 
liad been the means of giving them the news wliich they had 
desired to hear above ever^'tliing else — that the Goeben and the 
Breslau had escaped the British fleet and were then steaming 
rapidly in the direction of the Dardanelles. 

For it was those famous German ships, the Goeben and the 
Breslau, which my daughter had seen engaged in battle with a 
British scout ship ! 

The next day official business called me to the German 
Embassy. But Wangenheim's animated manner soon disclosed 
that he had no interest in routine matters. Never had I seen him 
so nervous and so excited. He could not rest in his chair more 
than a few minutes at a time ; he was constantly jumping up, 
rushing to the window, and looking anxiously out toward the 
Bosphorus where his private wireless station, the Corcovado, lay 
about three-quarters of a mile away. Wangenheim's face was 
flushed and his eyes were shining ; he would stride up and down 
the room, speaking now of a recent German victory, now giving 
me a little forecast of Germany's plans, and then he would stalk 
to the window again for another look at the Corcovado. 

" Something is seriously distracting you," I said, rising. " I 
will go, and come again some other time." 

" No, no ! " the Ambassador almost shouted. " I want you 
to stay right where ^rm are. This will be a great day for Ger- 
many ! If you will only remain for a few minutes you will hear 
a great piece of news— something that has the utmost bearing 
upon Turkey's relation to the war." 

Then he rushed out on the portico and leaned over the 
balustrade. At the same moment I saw a httle launch put out 
from the Corcovado toward the Ambassador's dock. Wangenheim 



46 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

hurried down, seized an envelope from one of the sailors, and 
a moment afterward burst into the room again. 

" We've got them ! " he shouted to me. 

" Got what ? " I asked. 

" The Goehen and the Breslaii have passed through the 
Dardanelles ! " 

He was waving the wireless message with all the enthusiasm 
of a college boy whose football team has won a victory. 

Then, momentarily checking his enthusiasm, he came up to 
me solemnly, humorously shook his forefinger, lifted his eyebrows, 
and said, " Of course, you understand that we have sold those 
ships to Turkey ! 

" And Admiral Souchon," he added with another wink, " will 
enter the Sultan's service ! " 

Wangenheim had more than patriotic reasons for this exulta- 
tion ; the arrival of these ships was the greatest day in his 
diplomatic career. It was really the first diplomatic victory 
which Germany had won. For years the Chancellorship of the 
Empire had been Wangenheim's laudable ambition, and he 
behaved now like a man who saw his prize within his grasp. The 
voyage of the Goehen and the Breslau was his personal triumph ; 
he had arranged with the Turkish Cabinet for their passage 
through the Dardanelles, and he had directed their movements by 
wireless in the Mediterranean. By safely getting the Goehen and 
the Breslau into Constantinople, Wangenheim had definitely 
clinched Turkey as Germany's ally. All his intrigues and 
plottings for three years had now finally succeeded. 

I doubt if any two ships have exercised a greater influence 
upon history than these two German cruisers. Not all of us at 
that time fully realised their importance, but subsequent develop- 
ments have fully justified Wangenheim's exuberant satisfaction. 
The Goehen was a powerful battle-cruiser of recent construction, 
the Breslau was not so large a ship, but she, Uke the Goehen, had 
the excessive speed that made her extremely serviceable in those 
waters. These ships had spent the few months preceding the war 
cruising in the Mediterranean, and when the declaration finally 
came they were taking on supplies at Messina. I have always 
regarded it as more than a coincidence that these two Vessels, 
both of them having a greater speed than any French or English 
ships in the Mediterranean, should have been lying not far from 
Turkey when war broke out. The selection of the Goehen was 
particularly fortunate, as she had twice before visited Con- 
stantinople and her officers and men knew the Dardanelles 
perfectly. The behaviour of these crews, when the news of war 



The " Goeben " and the " Breslau " 47 

was received, indicated tlie spirit with wliich tlic German Navy 
began hostilities ; the men broke out into song and shouting, 
lifted their admiral upon their shoulders, and held a real GeiTnan 
jollification. It is said tliat Admiral Sr.uchon preserved, as a 
touching souvenir of this (xcasion, his white uniform beaxing the 
finger-prints of his grimy sailors ! For all their joy at the 
prospect of battle, the situation of these ships was still a pre- 
carious one. They formed no m.atch for the large British and 
French naval forces which were roaming through the Mediter- 
ranean. The Goeben and the Breslau were far from their native 
bases ; witli the coaHng problem such an acute one, and with 
England in possession of all important stations, where could they 
flee for safety- ? Several ItaUan destroyers were circling around 
the German ships at Messina, enforcing neutrality and occasion- 
ally reminding them that they could remain in port only twenty- 
four hours. England had ships stationed at the Gulf of Otranto, 
the head of the Adriatic, to cut them off in case they sought to 
escape into the Austrian port of Pola. The British Navy also 
stood guard at Gibraltar and Suez, the only other exits that 
apparently offered the possibihty of escape. There w^as only one 
other place in which the Goeben and the Breslau might find a safe 
and friendly reception. That was Constantinople. Apparently 
the British Navy dismissed this as an impossibiUty. At that 
time, early in August, international law had not entirely dis- 
appeared as the guiding conduct of nations. Turkey was then 
a neutral countiy, and, despite the many evidences of Germari 
domination, she seemed likely to maintain her neutrality. The 
Treaty of Paris, which was signed in 1856, as well as the Treaty 
of London, signed in 1S71, provided that warships should not use 
the Dardanelles except on the special permission of the Sultan, 
which permission could be granted only in times of peace. In 
practice the Government had seldom given this permission 
except for ceremonial occasions. In the existing conditions it 
would have amounted virtually to an unfriendly act for the 
Sultan to have removed the ban against war vessels in the 
Dardanelles, and to permit the Goeben and the Breslau to remain 
in Turkish waters for more than twenty-four hours would have 
been nothing less than a declaration of war. It is, perhaps, not 
surprising that the British in the early days of August, 1914, 
when Germany had not completely made clear her official opinion 
that "international law had ceased to exist." regarded these 
treaty stipulations as barring the German sliips from the Dar- 
danelles and Constantinople. Relying upon the sanctity of these 
international regulations, the British Navy had shut off every 



48 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

point through which these German ships could have escaped to 
safety — except the entrance to the Dardanelles. Had England, 
immediately on the declaration of war, rushed a powerful squadron 
to this vital spot, how different the history of the last three years 
might have been ! 

" His Majesty expects the Goeben and the Breslau to succeed 

in breaking through ! " Such was the wireless that reached these 

vessels at Messina at five o'clock in the evening of August 4th. 

The twenty-four hours' stay permitted by the Italian Government 

had nearly expired. Outside, in the Strait of Otranto, lay the 

force of British battle-cruisers, sending false radio messages to 

the Germans instructing them to rush for Pola. With bands 

playing and flags flying, the officers and crews having had their 

spirits fired by speeches and champagne, the two vessels started 

at full speed head on toward the awaiting British fleet. The httle 

Gloucester, a scout boat, kept in touch, wiring constantly the 

German movements to the main squadron. Suddenly, when off 

Cape Spartivento, the Goeben and the Breslau let off into the 

atm.osphere all the discordant vibrations which their wireless 

could command, jamming the air with such a hullabaloo that the 

Gloucester was unable to send any intelligible messages. Then 

the German cruisers turned south and made for the ^Egean Sea. 

The plucky little Gloucester kept close on their heels, and, as my 

daughter had related, had even once audaciously offered battle. 

A few hours behind the British squadron pursued, but uselessly, 

for the German ships, though far less powerful in battle, were 

much speedier. Even then the British admiral probably thought 

that he had spoiled the German plans. The German ships might 

get first to the Dardanelles, but at that point stood international 

law across the path and barring the entrance ! 

Meanwhile Wangenheim had accomplished his great diplo- 
matic triumph. From the Corcovado wireless station in the 
Bosphorus he was sending the most agreeable news to Admiral 
Souchon. He was teUing him to hoist the Turkish flag when he 
reached the Strait, for Admiral Souchon's cruisers had suddenly 
become parts of the Turkish Navy, and, therefore, the usual 
international prohibitions did not apply ! These cruisers were 
no longer the Goeben and the Breslau, for, like an oriental 
magician, Wangenheim had suddenly changed them into the 
Sultan Selim and the Medilli. The fact was that the German 
Ambassador had cleverly taken advantage of the existing 
situation to manufacture a " sale." As I have already told, 
Turkey had two dreadnoughts under construction in England 




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The " Goeben " and the " Breslau " 49 

when the war broke out. These ships were not exclusively 
governmental enterprises ; their purchasers represented what, on 
the surface, appeared to be a popular enthusiasm of the Turkish 
people. They were to be the agencies through which Turkey was 
to attack Greece and win back the islands of the ^Egean, and the 
Turkish people had raised the money to build them by a so-called 
popular subscription. Agents had gone from house to house, 
painfully collecting these small subscriptions; there had been 
entertainments and fairs, and, in their eagerness for the cause, 
Turkish w'omen had sold their hair for the benefit of the common 
fund. These two vessels thus represented a spectacular outburst 
of patriotism that was unusual in Turkey, so unusual, indeed, 
that many detected signs that the Government had stimulated it. 
At the very moment when the war began Turkey had made her 

Llast payment to the Enghsh shipyards and the Turkish crews had 
arrived in England prepared to take the finished vessels home. 
Then, very soon before the time set to dehver them, the British 

^ Government stepped in and commandeered these dreadnoughts 
for the British Navy. 

,*iXx There is not the shghtest question that England had not only 
a legal, but a moral, right to do this ; there is also no question that 
her action was a proper one, and that, had she been deaUng with 
almost any other nation, such proceeding would not have aroused 
any resentment. But the Turkish people cared nothing for 
distinctions of this sort ; all they saw was that they had two 
ships in England, which they had greatly strained their resources 
to purchase, and that England had now stepped in and taken 
them. Even without external pressure they would have resented 
the act, but external pressure was exerted in plenty. The 
transaction gave Wangenheim the greatest opportunity of his 
hfe. Violent attacks upon England, all emanating from the 
German Embassy, began to fill the Turkish Press. Wangenheim 
was constantly discoursing to the Turkish leaders on Enghsh 
perfidy. He now suggested that Germany, Turkey's good friend, 
was prepared to make compensation for England's " unlawful " 
seizure. He suggested that Turkey go through the form of 
"purchasing" the Goeben and the Breslau, which were then 
wandering around the Mediterranean, perhaps in anticipation of 
this very contingency, and incorporate them m the Turkish Navy 
in place of the appropriated ships in England. The very day 
that these vessels passed through the Dardanelles the Ikdam, a 
Turkish newspaper pubUshed in Constantinople, had a triumphant 
account of this "sale," with big headlines calhng it a "great 
success for the Imperial Government." 

E 



50 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

Thus Wangenheira's manoeuvre accomplished two purposes : 

it placed Germany before the populace as Turkey's friend, and it 

also provided a subterfuge for getting the ships through the 

Dardanelles and enabhng them to remain in Turkish waters. 

AU this beguiled the more ignorant part of the Turkish people, 

and gave the Cabinet a plausible ground for meeting the objection 

of Entente diplomats, but it did not deceive any inteUigent 

person. The Goeben and Breslau might change their names, and 

the German sailors might adorn themselves with Turkish fezzes, 

but we all knew from the beginning that this sale was a sham. 

Those who understood the financial condition of Turkey could 

only be amused at the idea that she could purchase these modern 

vessels. Moreover, the ships were never incorporated in the 

Turkish Navy ; on the contrary, what really happened was that 

the Turkish Navy was annexed to these German ships. A 

handful of Turkish sailors was placed on board at one time for 

appearance' sake, but their German officers and German crews 

still retained active charge. Wangenheim, in his talks with me, 

never made any secret of the fact that the ships still remained 

German property. " I never expected to have such big cheques 

to sign," he remarked one day, referring to his expenditures on the 

Goeben and the Breslau. He always caUed them " our " ships. 

Even Talaat told me in so many words that the cruisers did not 

belong to Turkey. 

" The Germans say they belong to the Turks," he remarked, 
with his characteristic laugh. " At any rate it's very comforting 
for us to have them here. After the war, if the Germans win, 
they will forget all about it and leave the ships to us. If the 
Germans lose, they won't be able to take them away from us ! " 
The German Government made no real pretension that the 
sale had been bond fide ; at least, when the Greek Minister at 
BerUn protested against the transaction as unfriendly to Greece 
— naively forgetting the American ships which Greece had 
recently purchased — the German officials soothed him by 
admitting, sotto voce, that the ownership stiU resided in Germany. 
Yet when the Entente Ambassadors constantly protested against 
the presence of the German vessels, the Turkish officials blandly 
kept up the pretence that they were integral parts of the Turkish 
Navy ! 

The German officers and crews greatly enjoyed this farcical 
pretence that the Goeben and the Breslau were Turkish ship. 
They took particular delight in dressing themselves up in Turkish 
uniforms and Turkish fezzes, thereby presenting to the world 
conclusive evidence that these loyal soldiers of the Kaiser were 



The " Goeben " and the " Breslau " 51 

now parts of the Sultan's Navy. One day the Goeben sailed up 
the Bosphorus, halted in front of the Russian Embassy, and 
dropped anchor. Then the officers and men hncd the deck in 
full view of the enemy Ambassador. All solemnly removed their 
Turkish fezzes and put on German caps. The band played 
'' Deutschland uber Alles," the " Watch on the Rhine," and other 
German songs, the German sailors singing loudly to the accom- 
paniment. When they had spent an hour 01 two serenading the 
Russian Ambassador, the officers and crews removed their Ger- 
man caps and again put on their Turkish fezzes. The Goeben 
then picked up her anchor and started south to her station, 
lea\dng in the ears of the Russian diplomat the gradually dying 
strains of German war songs as the cruiser disappeared down 
stream. 

I have often speculated on what would have happened if the 
Enghsh battle-cruisers, which pursued the Breslau and Goeben 
up to the mouth of the Dardanelles, had not been too gentle- 
manly to have violated international law. Suppose that they 
had entered the Strait, attacked the German cruisers in the 
Marmora, and sunk them. They could have done this, and, 
knowing all that we know now, such an action would have been 
justified. Not improbably the destruction would have kept 
Turkey out of the war. For, the arrival of these cruisers made 
it inexatable that Turkey should join her forces with Germany's 
when the proper moment came. With them the Turkish Navy 
became stronger than the Russian Black Sea Fleet, and thus made 
it certain that Russia could make no attack on Constantinople. 
The Goeben and the Breslau, that is, practically gave the Ottoman- 
German naval forces control of the Black Sea. Moreover, these 
two ships could easily dominate Constantinople, and thus 
furnish the means by which the German Navy, if the occasion 
arose, could terrorise the Turks. I am convinced that, when the 
judicious historian reviews this war and its consequences, he will 
say that the passage of the Strait by these German ships made it 
inevitable that Turkey should join Germany at the moment that 
Germany desired her assistance, and that they likewise sealed 
the doom of the Turkish Empire. There were men in the 
Turkish Cabinet who perceived this, even then. The story was 
told in Constantinople — though I do not vouch for it as authentic 
history — that the Cabinet Meeting at which this momentous 
decision had been made had not been altogether harmonious. 
The Grand Vizier and Djemal, it was said, objected to the 
fictitious "sale," and demanded that it should be made a real 
one. When the discussion had reached its height Enver, who 



52 Secrets of the Bosphorus * 

was playing Germany's game, announced that he had already 
practically completed the transaction. In the silence that 
followed his statement this young Napoleon pulled out his pistol 
and laid it on the table. 

" If anyone here wishes to question this purchase," he said 
quietly and icily, " I am ready to meet him." 

A few weeks after the Goeben and the Breslau had taken up 
permanent headquarters in the Bosphorus, Djavid Bey, Minister 
of Finance, happened to meet a distinguished Belgian jurist, then 
in Constantinople. 

" I have terrible news for you," said the sympathetic Turkish 
statesman. " The Germans have captured Brussels." 

The Belgian, a huge figure, more than six feet high, put his 
arm soothingly upon the shoulder of the diminutive Turk. 

" I have even more terrible news for you," he said, pointing 
out to the stream where the Goeben and the Breslau lay anchored. 
" The Germans have captured Turkey." 



CHAPTER VI 

VVANGENHEIM TELLS THE AMERICAN AMBASSADOR HOW 
THE KAISER STARTED THE WAR 

But there was one quarter in which this transaction produced no 
appreciable gloom. That was the German Embassy. This great 
"success" fairly intoxicated the impressionable Wangenheim, 
and other happenings now aroused his furor TetUonicus to a fever- 
heat. The Goeben and the Breslaii arrived almost at the same 
time that the Germans captured Li^ge, Namur, and other Belgian 
towns. And now followed the German sweep into France and 
the apparently triumphant rush to Paris. In all these happen- 
ings Wangenheim, like the militant Prussian that he was, saw the 
fulfilment of a forty years' dream. We were all still li\dng in the 
summer Embassies along the Bosphorus. Germany had a 
sumptuous palace, with elaborate buildings and a beautiful park, 
which the Sultan had personally presented to the Kaiser's 
Government, yet for some reason Wangenheim did not seem to 
enjoy his headquarters during these summer days. A little 
guard-house stood directly in front of his Embassy, on the street, 
within twenty feet of the rushing Bosphorus, and in front of this 
was a stone bench. This bench was properly a resting-place for 
the guard, but Wangenheim seemed to have a strong hking for it. 
I shall always keep in my mind the figure of this German dip- 
lomat, in those exciting days before the Marne, sitting out on 
this little bench, now and then jumping up for a stroll back and 
forth in front of his house. Everybody passing from Con- 
stantinople to the northern suburbs had to pass this road, and 
even the Russian and French diplomats frequently went by, 
stiffly ignoring, of course, the triumphant ambassadorial figure on 
his stone bench. I sometimes think that Wangenheim sat there 
for the express purpose of puffing his cigar smoke in their direc- 
tion. It all reminded me of the scene in Schiller's Wilhelm Tell, 
where Tell sits in the mountain-pass, with his bow and arrow at 
his side, waiting for his intended victim, Gessler, to go by : 

" Here through this deep defile he needs must pass ; 
There leads no other road to Kussnacht." 

Wangenheim would also buttonhole his friends, or these whom 



54 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

he regarded as his friends, and have his little jollifications over 
German victories. I noticed that he stationed himself there only 
when the German armies were winning ; if news came of a reverse, 
Wangenheim was utterly invisible. This led me to remark that 
he reminded me of a toy weather-prophet, which is always outside 
the box when the weather is fine but which retires within when 
storms are gathering. Wangenheim appreciated my little joke 
as keenly as the rest of the diplomatic set. 

In those early days, however, the weather for the German 
Ambassador was distinctly favourable. The gocd fortune of the 
German armies so excited him that he was sometimes led into 
indiscretions, and his exuberance one day caused him to tell me 
certain facts which, I think, will always have great historical 
value. He disclosed precisely how and when Germany had 
precipitated this war. To-day his revelation of this secret looks 
like a most monstrous indiscretion, but we must remember 
Wangenheim's state of mind at the time. The whole world then 
believed that Paris was doomed, and Wangenheim reflected this 
attitude in his frequent declarations that the war would be over 
in two or three months. The whole German enterprise was 
evidently progressing according to programme. 

I have already mentioned that the German Ambassador left 
for Berlin soon after the assassination of the Grand Duke, and he 
now revealed the cause of his sudden disappearance. The Kaiser, 
he told me, had summoned him to Berlin for an Imperial Con- 
ference. This meeting took place at Potsdam on July 5th. The 
Kaiser presided and nearly all the important Ambassadors 
attended. Wangenheim himself was summoned to give assurance 
about Turkey and enlighten his associates generally on the 
situation in Constantinople, which was then regarded as almost 
the pivotal point in the impending war. In telling me who 
attended this conference Wangenheini used no names, though he 
specifically said that among them were— the facts are so im- 
portant that I quote his exact words in the German which he used 
— " die Haiipte des Generalstabs und der Marine " (the heads of 
the General Stafi and of the Navy), by which I have assumed that 
he meant von Moltke and Von Tirpitz. The great bankers, 
railroad directors, and the captains of German industry, all of 
whom were as necessary to German war preparations as the army 
itself, also attended. 

Wangenheim now told me that the Kaiser solemnly put the 
question to each man in turn : " Are you ready for war ? " All 
replied " Yes," except^the financiers. Theysaid that they must 
liave two weeks to sell their foreign securities and to make loans, 



How the Kaiser Started the War 55 

At that time few people had looked upon the Serajevo tragedy as 
something that was likely to cause war. This Conference, 
Wangenheim told me, took all precautions that no such suspicion 
should be aroused. It decided to give the bankers time to 
readjust their finances for the coming war, and then the several 
members went quietly back to their work or started on vacations. 
The Kaiser went to Norway on his yacht, von Bethmann- 
Hollweg left for a rest, and Wangenheim returned to Con- 
stantinople. 

In teUing me about this Conference Wangenheim, of course, 
admitted that Germany had precipitated the war. I think that 
he was rather proud of the whole performance ; proud that 
Germany had gone about the matter in so methodical and far- 
seeing a way, and especially proud that he himself had been 
invited to participate in so momentous a gathering. I have 
often wondered why he revealed to me so important a secret, 
and I think that perhaps the real reason was his excessive vanity 
— his desire to show me how close he stood to the inner counsels 
of his Emperor and the part that he had played in bringing on 
this conflict. Whatever the motive, this indiscretion certainly 
had the effect of showing me who were really the guilty parties in 
this monstrous crime. The several Blue, Red, and Yellow Books 
which flooded Europe during the few months following the 
outbreak, and the hundreds of documents which were issued by 
German propaganda attempting to establish Germany's inno- 
cence, have never made the slightest impression on me. For my 
conclusions as to the responsibility are not based on suspicions 
or belief or the study of circumstantial data. I do not have to 
reason or argue about the matter. J know. The conspiracy 
that has caused this greatest of human "tragedies was hatched by 
the Kaiser and his imperial crew at this Potsdam Conference of 
July 5, 1914. One of the chief participants, flushed with his 
triumph at the apparent success of the plot, told me the details 
with his own mouth. Whenever I hear people arguing about the 
responsibility for this war, or read the clumsy and lying excuses 
put forth by Germany, I simply recall the burly figure of Wangen- 
heim as he appeared that August afternoon, puffing away at a 
huge black cigar, and giving me his account of this historic 
meeting. Why waste any time discussing the matter after that ? 
This Imperial Conference took place on July 5th and the Serbian 
ultimatum was sent on July 22nd. That is just about the two 
weeks' interval which the financiers had demanded to complete 
their plans. All the great stock exchanges of the world show that 
the German bankers profitably used this interval. Their records 



50 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

disclose that stocks were being sold in large quantities and that 
prices declined rapidly. At that time the markets were some- 
what puzzled at this movement, but Wangenheim's explanation 
clears up any doubts that may still remain. Germany was 
changing her securities into cash for war purposes. If anyone 
wishes to verify Wangenheim I would suggest that he examine 
the quotations of the New York stock market for these two 
historic weeks. He will find that there were astonishing slumps 
in quotations, especially on the stocks that had an international 
market. Between July 5th and July 22nd Union Pacific dropped 
from 155I to 127I, Baltimore and Ohio from 91 1 to 81, United 
States Steel from 61 to 50 1, Canadian Pacific from 194 to 185I, 
and Northern Pacific from iiif to 108. At that time the high 
protectionists were blaming the Simmons-Underwood Tariff Act 
as responsible for this fall in values, while other critics of the 
Administration attributed it to the Federal Reserve Act, which 
had not yet gone into effect. How Httle the Wall Street brokers 
and the financial experts reahsed that an Imperial Conference 
which had been held in Potsdam, and presided over by the 
Kaiser, was the real force that was then depressing the market ! 

Wangenheim not only gave me the details of this Potsdam 
Conference, but he disclosed the same secret to the Marquis 
Garroni, the Italian Ambassador at Constantinople. Italy was 
at that time technically Germany's ally. 

The Austrian Ambassador, the Marquis Pallavicini, also 
practically admitted that the Central Powers had precipitated the 
war. On August i8th, Francis Joseph's birthday, I made the 
usual ambassadorial visit of congratulation. Quite naturally the 
conversation turned upon the Emperor, who had that day passed 
his eighty-fourth year. Pallavicini spoke about him with the 
utmost pride and veneration. He told me how keen-minded and 
clear-headed the aged Emperor was, how he had the most 
complete understanding of international affairs, and how he gave 
every'thing his personal supervision. To illustrate the Austrian 
Kaiser's grasp of pubhc events, Pallavicini instanced the present 
war. The previous May, Pallavicini had had an audience with 
Francis Joseph in Vienna. At that time, Pallavicini now told 
me, the Emperor had said that a European war was unavoidable. 
The Central Powers would not accept the Treaty of Bucharest as 
a settlement of the Balkan question, and only a general war, the 
Emperor had told Pallavicini, could ever settle that problem. 
The Treaty of Bucharest, I may recall, was the settlement that 
ended the second Balkan war. 

This divided the European dominions of Turkey, excepting 



How the Kaiser Started the War 57 

Constantinople and a small piece of adjoining territory, among 
the Balkan nations, chiefly Serbia and Greece. That treaty 
strengthened Serbia greatly ; so much did it increase Serbia's 
resources, indeed, that Austria feared that it had laid the be- 
ginning of a new European State that might grow sufficiently 
strong to resist her own plans of aggrandisement. Austria held 
a large Serbian population under her yoke in Bosnia and Herze- 
govina, and these Serbians desired, above ever^i:hing else, 
annexation to their own country. Moreover, the Pan-German 
plans in the East necessitated the destruction of Serbia, the State 
which, so long as it stood intact, blocked the Germanic road to 
the East. It had been the Austro-German expectation that the 
Balkan war would destroy Serbia as a nation — that Turkey would 
simply annihilate King Peter's forces. This was precisely what 
the Germanic plans demanded, and for this reason Austria and 
Germany did nothing to prevent the Balkan wars. But the result 
was exactly the reverse, for out of the conflict arose a stronger 
Serbia than ever, standing firm like a breakwater against the 
Germanic path. 

Most historians agree that the Treaty of Bucharest made 
ine\dtable this war. I have the Marquis Pallavicini's evidence 
that this was likewise the opinion of Francis Joseph himself. 
The audience at which the Emperor made this statement was 
held in May, more than a month before the assassination of the 
Grand Duke. Clearly, therefore, we have the Austrian Em- 
peror's assurances that the war would have come irrespective of 
the assassination at Serajevo. It is quite apparent that this 
crime merely served as the convenient pretext for the war upon 
which the Central Empires had already decided. 



CHAPTER VII 

Germany's plans for new territories, coaling stations, 

and indemnities 

All through that eventful August and September Wangenheim 
continued his almost irresponsible behaviour — now blandly 
boastful, now depressed, always nervous and high-strung, 
ingratiating to an American like myself, spiteful and petty 
toward the representatives of the enemy Powers. He was always 
displa5dng his anxiety and impatience by sitting on the bench, 
that he might be within two or three minutes' quicker access to 
the wireless communications that were sent him from Berlin via 
the Corcovado. He would never miss an opportunity to spread 
the news of victories ; several times he adopted the unusual 
course of coming to my house unannounced, to teU me of the 
latest developments and to read me extracts from messages which 
he had just received. He was always apparently frank, direct, 
and even indiscreet. I remember his great distress the day that 
England declared war. Wangenheim had always professed a 
great admiration for England, and especially for America. 
" There are only three great countries," he would say over and 
over again, " Germany, England, and the United States. We 
three should get together, then we could rule the world." This 
enthusiasm for the British Empire now suddenly cooled when 
that Power decided to defend her treaty pledges and declared war. 
Wangenheim had said that the conflict would be a short one ; 
Sedan Day (September 2nd) would be celebrated in Paris. But 
on August 5th I called at his Embassy and found him more than 
usually agitated and serious. Baroness Wangenheim, a tall, 
handsome woman, was sitting in the room reading her mother's 
memoirs of the war of 1870. Both regarded the news from 
England as almost a personal grievance, and what impressed me 
most was Wangenheim 's utter failure to understand England's 
motives. " It's mighty poor pohtics on her part ! " he exclaimed 
over and over again. His attitude was precisely the same as 
that of Bethmann-Hollweg with the " scrap of paper." 

I was cut for a stroll on August 26th, and happened to meet 
the German Ambassador. He began to talk as usual abcut the 
German \actcries in France, repeating, as was now his habit, his i 



Germany's Plans for New Territories 59 

prophecy that the German armies would be in Paris within a 
week. The deciding factor in this war, he added, would be the 
Krupp artillery. " And remember that this time," he said. " we 
are making war. And we shall make it rucksichtslos (without any 
consideration). We shall not be hampered as we were in 1870. 
Then Queen Victoria, the Czar, and Francis Joseph interfered 
and persuaded us to spare Paris. But there is no one to interfere 
now. We shall move to Berlin all the Parisian art treasures that 
belong to the State, just as Napoleon took Italian art works to 
France." 

It is quite e\ddent that the battle of the Marne saved Paris 
from the fate of Louvain. 

So confidently did Wangenheim expect an immediate victory 
that he began to discuss the terms of peace. Germany would 
demand of France, he said, after defeating her armies, that she 
completely demobilise and pay an indemnity. " France now," 
said Wangenheim, " can settle for $5,000,000,000 ; but 
if she persists in continuing the war she will have to pay 
$20,000,000,000." 

He told me that Germany would demand harbours and 
coaling-stations " everywhere." At that time, judging from 
Wangenheim 's statements, Germany was not looking so much for 
new territory as for great commercial advantages. She was 
determined to be the great merchant nation, and for this she 
must have free harbours, the Bagdad railroad, and extensive 
rights in South America and Africa. Wangenheim said that 
Germany did not desire any more territory in which the popula- 
tions did not speak German, for they had had all of that kind of 
trouble they wanted in Alsace-Lorraine, Poland, and other non- 
German countries. This statement certainly sounds interesting 
now in view of recent happenings in Russia. He did not mention 
England in speaking of Germany's demand for coaUng-stations 
and harbours ; he must have had England in mind, however, for 
what other nation could have given them to Germany " every- 
where " ? 

All these conversations were illuminating to me as Wangen- 
heim's revelation of the Conference of July 5th. That episode 
clearly proved that Germany had consciously started the war, 
while these grandiose schemes, as outlined by this very able but 
somewhat talkative Ambassador, showed the reasons that had 
impelled her in this great enterprise. Wangenheim gave me a 
complete picture of the German Empire embarking en a great 
buccaneering enterprise,, in which the spcils cf success came to 
be the accumulated riches of her r.cighbcurs and the world 



6o Secrets of the Bosphorus 

position which their skill and industry had built up through the 
centuries. 

If England attempted to starve Germany, said Wangenheim, 
Germany's response would be a simple one : she would starve 
France. At that time, we must remember, Germany expected to 
have Paris within a week, and she believed that this would 
ultimately give her control of the whole country. It was 
evidently the German plan, as understood by Wangenheim, to 
hold this nation as a pawn for England's behaviour, a kind of 
hostage on a gigantic scale, and, should England gain any 
military or naval advantage, Germany would attempt to counter- 
attack by torturing the whole French people. At that moment 
German soldiers were murdering innocent Belgians in return for 
the alleged misbehaviour of other Belgians, and evidently 
Germany had planned to apply this principle to whole nations as 
well as to individuals. 

All through this and other talks, Wangenheim showed the 
greatest animosity to Russia. 

" We've got our foot on Russia's corn," he said, " and we 
propose to keep it there." 

By this he must have meant that Germany had sent the 
Goeben and the Breslau through the Dardanelles and so controlled 
the situation in Constantinople. The old B^^zantine capital, said 
Wangenheim, was the prize which a victorious Russia would 
demand, and her lack of an all-the-year-round port in warm 
waters was Russia's tender spot — her " corn." At this time 
Wangenheim boasted that Germany had 174 German gunners at 
the Dardanelles, that the Strait could be closed in less than thirty 
minutes, and that Souchon, the German admiral, had informed 
him that the Straits were impregnable. " We shall not close the 
Dardanelles, however," he said, " unless England attacks them." 

At that time England, although she had declared war on 
Germany, had played no conspicuous part in the miUtary 
operations ; her " contemptible httle army " was making its 
heroic retreat from Mons. Wangenheim entirely discounted 
England as an enemy. It was the German intention, he said, to 
place their big guns at Calais, and throw their shells across the 
English Channel to the English coast towns ; that Germany would 
not have Calais within the next ten days did not occur to him as 
a possibility. In this and other conversations at about the same 
time Wangenheim laughed at the idea that England could create 
a large independent army. " The idea is preposterous," he said. 
" It takes generations of militarism to produce anything Uke the 
German army. We have been building it up for two hundred 



Germany's Plans for New Territories 6i 

years. It takes thirty years of constant training to produce such 
generals as we have. Our army will always maintain its organ- 
isation. We have 500,000 recruits reaching miUtary age every 
year, and we cannot possibly lose that number, so that our army 
will be kept intact." 

A few weeks later civilisation was outraged by the German 
bombardment of EngUsh coast towns, such as Scarborough and 
Hartlepool. This was no sudden German inspiration, but part 
of their carefully-considered plans. Wangenheim told me, on 
September 6th, 1914, that Germany intended to bombard all 
English harbours, so as to stop the food supply. It is also 
apparent that German ruthlessncss against American sea trade 
was no sudden decision of von Tirpitz, for on this same date 
the German Ambassador to Constantinople warned me that it 
would be very dangerous for the United States to send ships to 
England ! 



CHAPTER VIII 

A CLASSIC INSTANCE OF GERMAN PROPAGANDA 

In those August and September days Germany had no intention 
of precipitating Turkey immediately into the war. As I had a 
deep interest in the welfare of the Turkish people and in maintain- 
ing peace, I telegraphed Washington asking if I might use my 
influence to keep Turkey neutral. I received a reply that I 
might do this provided that I made my representations un- 
officially and purely upon humanitarian grounds. As the 
English and the French Ambassadors were exerting all their 
effort to keep Turkey neutral, I knew that my intervention in 
the same interest would not displease the British Government. 
Germany, however, might regard any interference on my part as 
an unneutral act, and I asked Wangenheim if there could be any 
objection from that source. 

His reply somewhat surprised me, though I saw through it 
soon afterward. " Not at all," he said. " Germany desires, above 
all, that Turkey shall remain neutral." 

Undoubtedly Turkey's poHcy at that moment precisely fitted 
in with German plans. Wangenheim was every day increasing 
his ascendancy over the Turkish Cabinet, and Turkey was then 
pursuing the course that best served the German aims. Her 
policy was keeping the Entente on tenterhooks ; it never knew 
from day to day where Turkey stood, whether she would remain 
neutral or enter the war on Germany's side. Because Turkey's 
attitude was so uncertain Russia was compelled to keep large 
forces on the Caucasus, England was obliged to strengthen her 
forces in Egypt and India, and to maintain a considerable fleet 
at the mouth of the Dardanelles. All this worked in beautifully 
with Germany's plans, for these detached forces just so much 
weakened England and Russia on the European battle-front. I 
am now speaking of the period just before the Marne, when 
Germany expected to defeat France and Russia with the aid of 
her aUy, Austria, and thus obtain a victory that would have 
enabled her to dictate the future of Europe. Should Turkey at 
that time be actually engaged in military operations, she could do 
no more toward bringing about this victory than she was doing 



A Classic Instance of German Propaganda 63 

now, by keeping considerable Russian and English forces away 
from the most important fronts. But, should Germany win this 
easy victory with Turkey's aid, she might find her new ally an 
embarrassment. Turkey w^ould certainly demand compensation, 
and she would not be particularly modest in her demands, which 
most hkely would include the return of Egypt and perhaps the 
recession of Balkan territories. Such readjustments would have 
interfered with the Kaijer's plans. Thus he had no interest in 
having Turkey as an active ally, except in the event that he did 
not win his speedilj' anticipated triumph. But, if Russia should 
make great progress against Austria, then Turkey's active 
aUiance would have great military value, especially if her entry 
should be so timed as to bring in Bulgaria and Rumania. Mean- 
while Wangenheim was placing a waiting game, making Turkey a 
potential German ally, strengthening her army and her navy, and 
preparing to use her, whenever the moment arrived for using her, 
to the best advantage. If Germany could not win the war 
without Turkey's aid, Germany was prepared to take her in as 
an ally ; if she could win without Turkey, then she would not 
have to pay the Turk for his co-operation. Meanwhile the 
sensible course was to keep her prepared in case the Turldsh 
forces became essential to German success. 

The duel that now took place between Germiany and the 
Entente for Turkey's favour was a most unequal one. The fact 
was that Germany had won the victory when she smuggled the 
Goeben and the Breslau into the Sea of Marmora. The English, 
French, and Russian Ambassadors well understood this, and they 
knew that they could not make Turkey an active ally of the 
Entente ; they probably had no desire to do so, but they did have 
hopes that they could keep her neutral. To this end they now 
directed all their efforts. " You have had enough of war," they 
would tell Talaat and Enver. " You have fought three wars in 
the last four years ; you will ruin your country absolutely if you 
get involved in this one." The Entente had only one con- 
sideration to offer Turkey for her neutrality, and this was an offer 
to guarantee the integrity of the Ottoman Empire. The Entente 
Ambassadors showed their great desire to keep Turkey out of the 
war by their disinchnation to press to the hmit their case against 
the Breslau and the Goeben. It is true that they repeatedly 
protested against the continued presence of these ships, but every 
time the Turkish officials maintained that they were Turkish 
vessels. 

" If that is so," Sir Louis Mallet would urge, and his argument 
was unassailable, " why don't you remove the German officers 



64 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

and crew ? " That was the intention, the Grand Vizier would 
answer. The Turkish crews that had been sent to man the ships 
which had been built in England, he would say, were returning to 
Turkey, and they would be put on board the Goeben and the 
Breslau as soon as they reached Constantinople. But days and 
weeks went by ; these crews came home, and still Germany 
manned and officered the cruisers. These backings and fillings 
naturally did not deceive the British and French Foreign Offices. 
The presence of the Goeben and the Breslau was a standing casus 
belli, but the Entente Ambassadors did not demand their pass- 
ports, for such an act would have precipitated the very crisis 
which they were seeking to delay, and, if possible, to avoid — 
Turkey's entrance as Germany's ally. Unhappily, the En- 
tente's promise to guarantee Turkey's integrity did not win 
Turkey to their side. 

" They promised that we should not be dismembered after the 
Balkan wars," Talaat would tell me, " and see what happened to 
European Turkey then." 

Wangenheim constantly harped upon this fact. " You can't 
trust anj^hing they say," he would tell Talaat and Enver ; 
" didn't they all go back on you a year ago ? " And then with 
great cleverness he would play upon the only emotion which 
really actuates the Turk. The descendants of Osman hardly 
resemble any people I have ever known. They do not hate, they 
do not love ; they have no lasting animosities or affections. They 
only fear. And naturally they attribute to others the motives 
which regulate their own conduct. " How stupid you are ! " 
Wangenheim would tell Talaat and Enver, discussing the Enghsh 
attitude. "Don't you see why the English want you to keep 
out ? It is because they fear you. Don't you see that, with the 
help of Germany, you have again become a great military 
power ? No wonder England doesn't want to fight you ! " He 
dinned this so continually in their ears that they finally believed 
it, for this argument not only completely explained the attitude 
of the Entente, but it flattered Turkish pride. 

Whatever may have been the attitude of Enver and Talaat, 
I think that England and France were more popular with all 
classes in Turkey than was Germany. The Sultan was opposed 
to war ; the heir-apparent, Youssouff Izzadin, was openly pro- 
Ally ; the Grand Vizier, Said HaHm, favoured England rather 
than Germany ; Djemai, the third member of the ruUng trium- 
virate, had the reputation of being a Francophile — he had; 
recently returned from Paris, where the reception he had received 
had greatly flattered him ; a majority of the Cabinet had no 



A Classic Instance of German Propaganda 65 

enthusiasm for Germany ; and public opinion, sp far as public 
opinion existed in Turkey, regarded England, not Germany, as 
Turkey's historic friend. Wangenheim, therefore, had much 
opposition to overcome, and the methods which he took to break 
it down form a classic illustration of German propaganda. He 
started a lavish pubhcity campaign against England, France, and 
Russia. I have described the feeUngs of the Turks at losing their 
ships in England. Wangenheim 's agents now filled columns of 
purchased space in the newspapers with bitter attacks on England 
for taking over these vessels. The whole Turkish Press rapidly 
passed under the control of Germany. Wangenheim purchased 
the Ikdam, one of the largest Turkish newspapers, which im- 
mediately began to sing the praises of Germany and to abuse the 
Entente. The Osmanischer Lloyd, published in French and 
German, became an organ of the German Embassy. Although 
the Turkish Constitution guaranteed a free Press, a censorship 
was estabhshed in the interest of the Central Powers. All 
Turkish editors were ordered to write in Germany's favour, and 
the}" obeyed instructions. The Jeune Turc, a pro-Entente 
newspaper, printed in French, was suppressed. The Turkish 
papers exaggerated German ^dctories and completely manu- 
factured others ; they were constantly printing the news of 
Entente defeats, most of them wholly imaginary. In the evening 
Wangenheim and Pallavicini would show me official telegrams 
giving the details of military operations, but when, in the morn- 
ing, I would look in the newspapers, I would find that this news 
had been twisted or falsified in Germany's favour. A certain 
Baron Oppenheim travelled all over Turkey manufacturing 
pubUc opinion against England and France. Ostensibly he was 
an archaeologist, while in reality he opened offices everywhere 
from which issued streams of slanders against the Entente. Huge 
maps were pasted on walls, showing all the territory which 
Turkey had lost in the course of a century. Russia was portrayed 
£LS the nation chiefly responsible for these " robberies." and 
attention was drawn to the fact that England had now become 
Russia's ally. Pictures were published, showing the grasping 
powers of the Entente as rapacious animals, snatching away at 
poor Turkey. Enver was advertised as the " hero " who had 
recovered Adnanople ; Germany was pictured as Turkey's 
friend ; the Kaiser suddenly became " Hadji Wilhelm," the great 
protector of Islam, and stories were even printed that he had 
become a convert to Mohammedanism. The Turkish populace 
was informed that the Moslems of India and of Egypt were about 
to revolt and throw off their. English " tyrants." The Turkish 

F 



66 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

man-on-the-street was taught to say Gott Strafe England, and all 
the time the motive-power of this infamous campaign was 
German money. 

But Germany was doing more than poisoning the Turkish 
mind ; she was appropriating Turkey's mihtary resources. I 
have already described how, in January, 1914, the Kaiser had 
taken over the Turkish Army and rehabihtated it in preparation 
for the European war. He now proceeded to do the same thing 
with the Turkish Navy. In August Wangenheim boasted to me 
that, " We now control both the Turkish Army and Navy." At 
the time the Goeben and Breslau arrived, an Enghsh mission, 
headed by Admiral Limpus, was hard at work restoring the 
Turkish Navy. Soon afterward Limpus and his associates were 
unceremoniously dismissed. The manner of their going was really 
disgraceful, for not even the most ordinary courtesies were shown 
them. The Enghsh naval officers quietly and unobservedly left 
Constantinople for England — all except the Admiral himself, who 
had to remain longer because of his daughter's illness. 

Night after night whole carloads of Germans landed at 
Constantinople from Berhn ; the aggregations to the population 
finally amounted to 3,800 men, most of them sent to man the 
Turkish Navy and to manufacture ammunition. They filled the 
cafes every night, and they paraded the streets of Constantinople 
in the small hours of the morning, howhng and singing German 
patriotic songs. Many of them were slalled mechanics, who 
immediately went to work repairing the destroyers and other 
ships and putting them in shape for war. The British firm of 
Armstrong and Vickers had a splendid dock in Coristantinople, and 
this the Germans now appropriated. All day and night we could 
hear this work going on, and we could hardly sleep because of the 
hubbub of riveting and hammering. Wangenheim now found 
another opportunity for instilhng more poison into the minds of 
Enver, Talaat, and Djemal. The German workers, he declared, 
had found that the Turkish ships were in a desperate state of 
disrepair, and for this he naturally blamed the Enghsh naval 
mission. He said that England had dehberately let the Turkish 
Navy go to decay, and he asserted that this was all part of 
England's plot to ruin Turkey ! " Look ! " he would exclaim, 
" see what we Germans have done for the Turkish Army, and see 
what the Enghsh have done for your ships ! " As a matter of 
fact, all this was untrue, for Admiral Limpus had worked hard 
and conscientiously to improve the Navy, and had accomphshed 
excellent results in that direction. 

All this time the Germans were working at the Dardanelles, 



A Classic Instance of German Propaganda 67 

seeking to strengthen the fortifications, and preparing for a 
possible Allied attack. As September lengthened into October, 
the Sublime Porte practically ceased to be the headquarters of 
the Ottoman Empire. I really think that the most powerful seat 
of authority at that time was a German merchant-ship, the 
General. It was moored in the Golden Horn, near the Galata 
Bridge, and a permanent stairway had been built, leading to its 
deck. I knew well one of the most frequent visitors to this ship, 
an American who used to come to the Embassy and entertain me 
with stories of what was going on. 

The General, this friend now informed me, was practically a 
German club or hotel. The officers of the Goeben and the 
Breslau and other German officers who had been sent to command 
the Turkish ships ate and slept on board. Admiral Souchon, who 
had brought the German cruisers to Constantinople, presided over 
these gatherings. Souchon was a man of French Huguenot 
extraction ; he was a short, dapper, clean-cut sailor, very 
energetic and alert, and to the German passion for command and 
thoroughness he added much of the GaUic geniality and buoy- 
ancy. Naturally he gave much hveliness to the evening parties 
on the General, and the beer and champagne which were liberally 
dispensed on these occasions loosened the tongues of his fellow- 
officers. Their conversation showed that they entertained no 
illusions as to who really controlled the Turkish Navy. Night 
after night their impatience for action grew ; they kept declaring 
that, if Turkey did not presently attack the Russians, they would 
force her to do so. They would relate how they had sent German 
ships into the Black Sea in the hope of provoking the Russian 
fleet to some action that would make war inevitable. Toward 
the end of October my friend told me that hostilities could not 
much longer be avoided ; the Turkish fleet had been fitted for 
action, everything was ready, and the impetuosity of these 
kriegslusiige German officers could not much longer be restrained. 

" They are just Uke a lot of boys with chips on their shoulders. 
They are simply spoihng for a fight ! " he said. 



CHAPTER IX 

■GERMA'NY CLOSES THE DARDANELLES AND SO SEPARATES RUSSIA 

FROM HER ALLIES 

On September 27th Sir Louis Mallet, the British Ambassador, 
entered my office in a considerably disturbed state of mind. The 
Khedive of Egypt had just left me, and I began to talk to Sir 
Louis about Egyptian matters. 

" Let's discuss that some other time," he said. " I have 
Something far more important to tell you. They have closed the 
Dardanelles." 

By " they " he meant, of course, not the Turkish Government, 
the only Power which hadthe legal right to take this drastic step, 
but the actual ruUng powers in Turkey, the Germans. Sir Louis 
had good reason for bringing me this piece of news, since this was 
an outrage against the United States as well as against the Allies. 
He asked me to go with him and make a joint protest. I sug- 
gested, however, that it would be better for us to act separately, 
and I immediately started for the House of the Grand Vizier. 

When I arrived a Cabinet conference was in session, and, as 
I sat in the ante-room, I could hear several voices in excited 
discussion. Among them -all I. could distinctly distinguish the 
familiar tones of Taiaat, Enver, Djavid, and other members of 
the Government. It was quite plain, from all that I could over- 
hear through the thin partitions, that these nominal rulers, of 
Turkey were almost as worked up over the closing as were Sir 
Louis Mallet and myself. 

The Grand Vizier came out in answer to my request. He 
presented a pitiable sight. This was, in title at least, the most 
important official of the Turkish Government, the mouthpiece of 
the Sultan himself, yet now he presented a picture of abject 
helplessness and fear. His face was blanched and he was 
trembling from head to foot. He was so overcome with his 
emotions that he could hardly speak. When I asked him whether 
the news was true that the Dardanelles had been closed he finally i 
• stammered out that it was. 

" You know this means war," I said, and I protested as 
strongly as I could in the name of the United States. 

All the time that we were talking I could hear the loud tones 



Germany Closes the Dardanelles 69 

of Talaat and his associates in the interior apartment. The 
Grand Vizier excused himself and went back into the room. He 
then sent out Djavid, the Minister of Finance, to discuss the matter 
with me. 

" It's all a surprise to us," were Djavid's first words — this 
statement being a complete admission that the Cabinet had had 
nothing to do with it. I repeated that the United States would 
not submit to closing the Dardanelles ; since Turkey was at 
peace she had no legal right to shut the Straits to merchant ships, 
except in case of war. I said that an American ship laden with 
supplies and stores for the American Embassy was outside at 
that moment waiting to come in. Djavid suggested that I have 
this vessel unload her cargo at Smyrna ; that the Turkish 
Government, he obligingly added, would pay the cost of trans- 
porting it overland to Constantinople. This proposal, of course, 
was a ridiculous evasion of the issue, and I brushed it aside. 

Djavid then said that the Cabinet proposed to investigate the 
matter, and, ih fact, they were discussing it at that moment. He 
told me how it had happened. A Turkish torpedo-boat had 
passed through the Dardanelles and attempted to enter the 
JEgesLU. The British warships stationed outside hailed the ship, 
examined it, and found that there were German sailors on board. 
The English admiral at once ordered the vessel to go back ; this, 
under the circumstances, he had a right to do. Weber Pasha, the 
German general who was then in charge of the fortifications, did 
not consult the Turks, but he immediately gave orders to close 
the Straits. Wangenheim had already boasted to me, as I have 
said, that the Dardanelles could be closed in thirty minutes, and 
the Germans now made good his words. Down went the mines 
and the nets ; the lights in the lighthouses were extinguished ; 
signals were put up notifying all ships that there was " no 
thor6ughfare," and the deed,. the most high-handed which the 
Germans had yet committed, was done. And here I found these 
Turkish statesmen, who alone had authority over this indispens- 
able strip of water, trembling and stammering with fear, running 
hither and yon like a lot of frightened rabbits, appalled at the 
enormity of the German act, yet apparently powerless to take 
any decisive action. I certainly had. a graphic picture of the 
extremities to which Teutonic bullying had reduced the present . 
rulers of the Turkish Empire. And at the same moment before . 
my mind rose the figure of the Sultan, whose signature was 
essential to close legally these waters, quietly dozing at his palace, 
entirety oblivious of the whole transaction. 

Though Djavid informed me tha,t the Cabinet might decide 



70 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

to reopen the Dardanelles, it never did so. This great passage- 
way has remained closed from September 27, 1914, to the present 
time. I saw, of course, precisely what this action signified. 
That month of September had been a disillusioning one for the 
Germans. The French had beaten back the invasion and had 
driven the German armies to entrenchments along the Aisne. 
The Russians were sweeping triumphantly through Galicia ; 
already ' they had captured Lemburg, and it seemed not im- 
probable that they would soon cross the Carpathians to Austria- 
Hungary. In those days Pallavicini, the Austrian Ambassador, 
was a discouraged, lamentable figure. He confided to me his 
fears for the future, telling me that the German programme of a 
short, .decisive war had clearly failed and that it was now quite 
evident that Germany could only win, if she could win at all. 
which was exceedingly doubtful, after a protracted struggle. I 
have described how Wangenheim, while preparing the Turkish 
Army and Navy for any eventualities, was simply holding Turkey 
in his hand, intending actively to use her forces only in case 
Germany failed to crush France and Russia in the first campaign. 
Now that that failure was manifest, Wangenheim was instructed 
to use the Turkish Empire as an active ally. Hitherto, this 
nation of 20,000,000 had been a passive partner, being held back 
by Wangenheim until Germany decided that it would be necessary 
to pay the price of letting her into the war as a real participant. 
The time had come when Germany needed her men, and the 
outward sign that the situation had changed was the closing of 
the Dardanelles. Thus Wangenheim had accomiplished the task 
for which he had been working, and in this act had fittingly 
crowned his achievement of TDringing in the Goeben and the 
Breslau. Few Americans realise, even to-day, what an over-^ 
whelming influence this act had upon future military operations. 
Yet the fact that the war has lasted for so many years,, and that 
the burden has been ultimately thrown on America, is explained 
by this closing of the Dardanelles. 

For this is the element in the situation that separated Russia 
frbm her allies, that, in less than a year, led to her defeat and 
collapse, which in turn was the reason why the Russian revolution 
became possible. The map discloses that this enormous land of 
Russia has just four ways of reaching the seas. One is by way of 
the Baltic, and this the German fleet had already closed. Another 
is Archangel, on the Arctic Ocean, a port that is frozen over 
several months in the year, and which connects with the heart 
of Russia only by a long, single-track railroad. Another is the 
Pacific port of Vladivostok, also ice-bound for three months, and 



Germany Closes the Dardanelles 71 

reaching Russia nnlv by the thin line of the Siberian Railway, 
5,000 miles long. The fourth passage was that of the Dar- 
danelles ; in fact, this was the only practicable one. This was 
the narrow gate through which the surplus products of 175,000 ,000 
people reached Europe, and nine-tenths of all Russian exports 
and imports had gone this wav for years. By suddenly closing 
it, Germany destroyed Russia both as an economic and a military 
Power. By shutting off* the exports of Russian grain she 
deprived Russia of the financial power essential to successful 
warfare. What was perhaps even more fatal, she prevented 
England and France from getting m.unitions to the Russian 
battlefront in sufficient quantity to stem the German onslaught. 
As soon as the Dardanelles was closed, Russia had to fall back on 
Archangel and Vladivostok for such suppHes as she could get 
from these ports. The cause of the military collapse of Russia 
in 191 5 is now well known ; the soldiers simply had no ammuni- 
tion with which to fight. The larger part of 1918 Germany 
spent in a desperate attempt to drive a "wedge " between the 
French and English armies on the Western front, to separate one 
ally from another, and so obtain a position where she could attack 
each one separately. The attempt has proved to be a very 
difficult one. Yet the task of undoing the Franco-Russian treaty, 
and driving such a " wedge " between Russia and her Western 
associates, proved to have been an easy one. It was simply a 
matter, as I have described, of controlling a corrupt and degen- 
erate Government, getting possession, while she was still at peace, 
of her main executions, her army, her navy, her resources, and 
then, at the proper moment, ignoring the nominal rulers and 
closing a little strip, of water about twenty miles long and two or 
three wide ! It did not cost a single human life" or the firing of a 
single gun, yet, in a twinkling, Germany accornplished this, what 
probably three milhon men, opposed to a well-equipped Russian 
force, could not have brought to pass. It was one of the most 
dramatic military triumphs of the war, and it was all the 
work of German propaganda, German penetration, and German 
diplomacy. 

In the days following this bottling up of Russia the Bos- 
phonis began to look like a harbour which has been suddenly 
stricken with the plague. Hundreds of ships arrived from 
Russia, Rumania, and Bulgaria, loaded with grain, lumber, and 
other products, only to discover that they could g6 no farther. 
There were not docks enough to berth them, and they had to 
swing out into the stream, drop anchor, and await developments. 
The waters were a cluster of masts and smoke-stacks, and the 



72 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

crowded vessels became so dense that a motor-boat had difficulty 
in picking its way through, the tangled forest. The Turks held 
out hopes that they might reopen, the waterway, and for this 
. reason these vessels, constantly increasing in number, waited 
patiently for a month or so. Then one by one they turned 
around, pointed their noses toward the Black Sea, and lugubri- 
ously started for their home ports. In a few weeks the Bos- 
phorus and adjoining wkters had become a desolate waste. What 
for years had been one of the most animated shipping points in 
the world was ruffled only by an occasional launch or a tiny 
Turkish caique, or now and then a little sailing vessel. And for 
an accurate idea of what this meant, from a military standpoint, 
we need only call to mind the Russian battlefront in the next 
year. There the peasants were fighting German artillery jvith 
their unprotected bodies, having no rifles and no heavy guns, 
while mountains of useless ammunition were piling up in their 
distant Arctic and Pacific ports, with no railroads to send them 
to the field of action. 



CHAPTER X 

turkey's abrogation of the capitulations — ENVER 

LIVING IN A PALACE, WITH PLENTY OF MONEY 

AND AN IMPERIAL BRIDE 

Another question, which had been under discu'ssion for several 
months, now became involved in the Turkish" international 
situation. That was the matter of the capitulations. These 
were the treaty rights which for centuries had regulated the 
position of foreigners in the Turkish Empire. Turkey had never 
been admitted to a complete equality with European nations, and 
in realit}' she had never been an independent sovereignty. The 
Sultan's laws and customs differed so radically from these of 
Europe and America that no non-Moslem country could think of 
submitting its citizens in Turkey to them. In many matters, 
therefore, the principle of ex-territoriahty had alw^ays prevailed 
in favour of all citizens or subjects of countries enjoying capitu- 
latory rights. Almost all European countries, as well as the 
United States, for centuries had had their own consular courts 
and prisons for trying and punishing crimes which their nationals 
committed in Turkey. We all had our schools subject, not to 
Turkish law and protection, but to that of the country which 
maintained them. Thus Robert College and the Constantinople 
College for Women, those wonderful institutions which American 
philanthropy has erected on the Bosphorus, as well as hundreds 
of American rehgicus, charitable, and educational institutions, 
practically stood on American territory and looked upon the 
American Embassy as their guardian. Several nations had their 
own post -offices, as they did not care to submit their mail to the 
Ottoman postal service. Turkey, hkewise, did not have unhmited 
power of taxation over foreigners. It could not even increase 
their customs taxes without the consent of the foreign Powers. 
In 1914 it could collect only 11 per cent, in tariff dues, and was 
attempting to secure the right to increase the amount to 14. 
We have always regarded England as the only free-trade country, 
overlocldng this fact, yet this hmitaticn in Turkey's customs dues 
had practically made the Ottcma-n Empire an ur.wilUng follower 
of Cobden. Turkey was thus prohibited by the Powers from 



74 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

developing any industries, of her own ; instead, she was forced to 
take large quantities of inferior articles from Europe. Against 
these restrictions Turkish statesmen had protested for years, 
declaring that they constituted an insult to their pride as a nation 
and also interfered with their progress. However, the agreement 
was a bi-lateral one, and Turkey could not change it without the 
consent of all the contracting Powers. Yet certainly the present 
moment, when both the Entente and the Central Powers were 
cultivating Turkey, served to furnish a valuable opportunity to 
make the change. And so, as soon as the Germans had started 
on their march toward Paris, the air was filled with reports that 
Turkey intended to abrogate the capitulations. Rumour said 
that Germany had consented as part of the bargain for Turkish 
co-operation, and that England had agreed to the abrogation as 
part of her payment for Turkish neutraUty. Neither of these 
I'eports was true. What was manifest, however, was the panic 
which the mere suggestion of abrogation produced on the foreign 
population. The idea of becoming subject to the Turkish laws, 
and perhaps being thrown into Turkish prisons, made their flesh 
creep — and with good reason. 

.About this time I had a long conference with Enver. He 
asked me to call at his residence, as he was laid up with an infected 
toe, the result of a surgical operation. I thus had an illuminating 
glimpse of the Minister of War enfamille. Certainly this humble 
man of the people had risen in the world. His house, which was 
in one of the quietest and most aristocratic parts of the city, was. 
a splendid old building, very large and very elaborate. I Was 
ushered through a series of four or five halls, and as I went by one 
door, the Imperial Princess, Enver's wife, slightly opened it and 
peeped through at me. Farther on another Turkish lady 
opened her. door and also obtained a fleeting glimpse of the 
ambassadorial figure. I was finally escorted into a beautiful 
room in which Enver lay reclining on a semi-sofa. He had on a 
long silk dressing-gown and his stockinged feet hung languidly 
over the edge of the divan. He looked much younger than in his 
uniform ; he was an extremely neat and well-groomed object, 
with a pale, smooth face, made even more striking by his black 
hair, and with delicate white hands and long tapering fingers. 
He might easily have passed for under thirty, and, in fact, he was 
not much over that age. He had at hand a \dolin, and a piano 
near by also testified to his musical taste. The room was 
splendidly tapestried. Perhaps its most conspicuous feature was 
a dais upon which stood a golden chair ; this was the marriage- 
throne of Enver's imperial wife. As I glanced around at all tfiis 



Turkey's Abrogation of the Capitulations 75 

luxury I must admit that a few uncharitable thoughts came to 
mind, and that I could not help pondering a question which was 
then being generally asked in Constantinople. Where did Enver 
get the money for this expensive establishment ? He had no 
fortune of his own — his parents had been wretchedly poor — and 
his salary as a Cabinet Minister was only about $8,000. . His 
wife had a moderate allowance as an Imperial Princess, but she 
had no private resources. Enver has never engaged in business, 
having been a revolutionist, military leader, and politician all his 
life. But here he was, living at a rate that demanded a very large 
income. In other ways Enver was giving evidences of great and 
sudden prosperity, and already I had heard much of his invest- 
ments in real estate, which were the talk of the town. 

Enver wished to discuss the capitulations. He practically 
said that the Cabinet had decided on the abrogation and he wished 
to know the attitude of the United States. He added that cer- 
tainly a country which had fought for its independence as we had 
would sympathise with Turkey's attempt to shake off these 
shackles. We had helped Japan free herself from similar burdens, 
and wouldn't we now help Turkey ? Certainly Turkey was as 
civilised a nation as Japan ? 

I answered that I thought that the United States .might 
consent to abandon the capitulations in so far as they were 
economic. It was my opinion that Turkey should control her 
customs duties and be permitted to levy the same taxes on 
foreigners as on her own citizens. So long as the Turkish courts 
and Turkish prisons maintained their present standards, how- 
ever, we could never agree to give up the judicial capitulations. 
Turkey should reform these judicial abuses ; then, after they had 
established European ideas in the administration of justice, the 
matter could be discussed. Enver replied that Turkey would be 
willing to have mixed tribunals and to have the United States 
designate some of the judges, but I suggested that, inasmuch as 
American judges did not know the Turkish language or Turkish 
law, his scheme involved great practical difficulties. I also told 
him that the American schools and colleges were very dear to 
Americans, and that we would never consent to subjecting them 
to Turkish jurisdiction. 

Despite aur protests, the Cabinet issued its notification to all 
the Powers that the capitulations would be abrogated on 
October ist. This abrogation was all a part of the':Young Turks' 
plan to free themselves of foreign tutelage and to re-establish a 
new country on the basis. " Turkey for theJTurkg." It repre- 
sented, as i shall show, what was the central pomt of Turkish 



76 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

policy, not only in the Empire's relations to foreign Powers, but 
to her peoples. England's position on this question was about 
the same as our own ; the British Government would consent to 
the modification of the economic restrictions, but not the others. 
Wangenheim was greatly disturbed, and I think that his Foreign 
Office reprimanded him for letting the abrogation take place, 
because he blandly asked me to announce that I was the respon- 
sible person ! As October ist approached, the foreigners in 
Turkey were in a high state of apprehension. The Dardanelles 
had been closed, shutting them off from Europe, and now they 
felt that they were to be left at the mercy of Turkish courts and 
Turkish prisons. Inasmuch as it was the habit in Turkish 
prisons to herd the innocent and the guilty, and to place in the 
same room with murderers people who had been, charged, but 
pot convicted, of minor offences, and to bastinado recalcitrant 
witnesses, the fears of the foreign residents may well be imagined. 
The educational institutions were also apprehensive, and in their 
interest I appealed to Enver. He assured me that the Turks had 
no hostile intention toward Americans. I Jeplied that he should 
show in unmistakable fashion that Americans would not be' 
harmed. 

"All right," he answered. "What would you suggest?" 
" Why not ostentatiously visit Robert College on October ist, 
the day the capitulations are abrogated ? " I said. 

The idea was rather a unique one, for in all the history of this 
institution an important Turkish official had never entered its 
doors. But I knew enough of the Turkish character to under- 
stand that an open, ceremonious visit by Enver would cause a 
public sensation. News of it would reach the farthest limits of 
the Turkish Empire, and it was certain that the Turks would 
interpret it as meaning that one of the two most powerful mien in 
Turkey had taken this and other American institutions under his 
patronage. Such a visit would exercise a more protecting 
influence over American colleges and schools in Turkey than an 
army corps. I was therefore greatly pleased when Enver 
promptly adopted my suggestion. 

On the day that the capitulations were abrogated Enver 
appeared at the American Embassy with two autos, one for 
himself and me, and the other for his adjutants, all of whom were 
dressed in full uniform. I purposely made the proceeding as 
spectacular as possible, as naturally I wished it to have the 
widest publicity. On the ride up to the college I told Enver all 
about these American institutions and what'^they were doing for 
Turkey. He really knew very little about them, and, like most 



. Turkey's Abrogation of the Capitulations 77 

Turks, he half suspected that they concealed a political purpose. 

" We Americans are not looking for material advantages in 
Turkey," I said. "We merely demand that you treat kindly 
our children, these colleges, for which all the people in the United 
States have the warmest affection." 

I told him that Mr. Cleveland H. Dodge, president of the 
trustees of Robert College, and Mr. Charles R. Crane, president 
of the trustees of the Women's College, were intimate iriends of 
President Wilson. "These," I added, "represent what is best 
in America and the fine altruistic spirit which in our country 
accumulates wealth and then uses it to found colleges and schools. 
In estabhshing these institutions in Turkey they are trying, not 
to convert your people to Christianity, but to help train them in 
the sciences and arts and so prepare to make them better citizens. 
Americans feel that the Bible lands have given them their 
religion, and they wish to repay with the best thing America has 
— its education." I then told iiim about Mrs. Russell Sage and 
Miss Helen Gould, who had made large gifts to the Women's 
College. 

" But where do these people get ail the money for such 
benefactions ? " Enver asked. 

I then entertained him for an hour or so with a few pages 
from our own " American rights." I told liim how Jay Gould 
had arrived in New York, a penniless and ragged bo}', with a 
mousetrap wiiich he had invented, and how he had died, almost 
thirty years afterward, leaving a fortune of about $1,000,000,000. 
I told liim how Commodore Vanderbilt had started hfe as a 
ferryman and had become America's greatest railroad " mag- 
nate " ; how Rockefeller had begun life sitting on a high stool in 
a Cleveland commission nouse, earning six dollars a week, and 
had created the greatest fortune that had ever been accumulated 
by a single man in the world's history. I told liim how the 
Dodges had become our great "copper kings," the Cranes our 
great manufacturers of iron pipe. Enver found these stories 
more thrilling than any that had ever come out of Bagdad, and 
I found afterward that he had retold them to almost all the 
important people in Constantinople. 

Enver was immensely impressed also by what I said about 
the American institutions, especially at my statement that they 
also had not converted — or attempted to convert — a single 
Mohammedan to Christianity. He went through all the buildings 
and expressed his enthusiasm at everything he saw, and he even 
suggested that he would like to send his brother there. He took- 
tea with Mrs. Gates, wile of President Gates, discussed most 



78 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

intelligently the courses, and asked us if we could not introduce . 
the study of agriculture. The teachers he met seemed to be a 
great revelation., 

" I expected to find these missionaries as they are pictured in 
the Berhn newspapers," he said, " with long hair and hanging 
jaws, and hands clasped constantly in a prayerful attitude. But 
here is Dr. Gates talking Turkish hke a native and acting like a 
man of the world. I am more than pleased, and thank you for 
bringing me." 

We all saw Enver that afternoon in his most delightful 
aspect. My idea that this visit in itself would protect the 
colleges from disturbance proved to have been a happy one. The 
Turkish Empire has been a tumultuous place in the last four 
years, but -the American colleges have had no difficulties, either 
with the Turkish Government or with the Turkish populace. 

This visit was only an agreeable interlude in events of the most 
exciting character. Enver, amiable as he could be on occasion, 
had dehberately determined to put Turkey in, the war on Ger- 
many's side. Germany had now reached the point where she no 
longer concealed her intentions. Once before, when I had- 
interfered in the interest of peace, Wangenheim had encouraged 
my action. The reason, as I have indicated, was that, at that 
time, Germany wished Turkey to keep out of the war, for the 
German General Staff expected to win without her help. But 
now Wangenheim wanted Turkey in. As I was not working in 
Germany's interest, but merely attempting to help the peace 
idea, I still kept urging Enver and Talaat to keep out. This 
made Wangenheim angry. " I thought that you were a 
neutral ? " he now exclaimed. 

" I thought that you were — in Turkey," I answered. 

Toward the end of October Wangenheim was leaving nothing 
undone to start hostilities ; all he needed now was a favourable 
occasion. 

Even after Germany had closed the Dardanelles the German 
Ambassador's task was not an easy one. Talaat was not yet 
entirely convinced that his best poHcy was war, and, as I have 
already said, there was still plenty of pro-Ally sympathy in 
ofiicial quarters. It was Talaat 's plan not to seize all the Cabinet 
offices at onee, but gradually to elbow his way into undisputed- 
control. At this crisis the most popularly respected members of 
the Ministry were Djavid, Minister of Finance, a man who was 
Jewish by race, but Mohammedan by reHgion ; Mahmoud Pasha, 
Minister of PubHc Works, a Circassian ; Bustany Effendi, Minister 
of Commerce and Agriculture, a Christian Arab ; and Oskan 



Turkey's Abrogation of the Capitulations 79 

Effendi, Minister of Posts and Telegraphs, an Armenian — and a 
Christian, of course. All these leaders, as well as the Grand 
Vizier, openly opposed war, and all now informed Talaat and 
Enver that they would resign if Germany succeeded in her 
intrigues. Thus the 'atmosphere was exciting; how tense the 
situation was a single, episode will show. Sir Louis Mallet, the 
British Ambassador, had accepted an. invitation to dine at 
the American Embassy on October 20th, but he sent word at the 
last moment that he was ill and could not come. I' called on 
the Ambassador an hour or two afterward and found him in his 
garden, apparently in the best of health. Sir Louis smiled and 
said that his illness had been purely political. He had received 
a letter telling him that he was to be assassinated that evening, 
this letter informing him of the precise spot where the tragedy 
was to take place, and the time.' He therefore thought that he 
had better stay indoors. As I had no doubt that some such crime 
had been planned, I offered Sir Louis the protection of our 
Embassy. I gave him the key to the back gate of the garden, 
and, with Lord Wellesley, one of his secretaries — a descendant 
of the Duke of Wellington — I made all arrangements for his 
escape to our quarters in case a flight became necessary. Our 
two Embassies were so located that, in the event of an attack, 
he might go. unobserved from the back gate of his to the" back 
gate of ours. " These people are relapsing into the Middle Ages," 
said Sir Louis, " when it was quite the thing to throw Ambassa- 
dors into dungeons," and I think that he anticipated that the 
present Turks might treat him in the same way. I at once went 
to the Grand Vizier and informed him of the situation, insisting 
that nothing less than a visit from Talaat to Sir Louis, assuring 
him of safety, would satisfy his many friends. I could make this 
demand with propriety, as we had already made arrangements to 
take over British interests when the break came. Within two 
hours Talaat made such a visit. Though one of the Turkish 
newspapers was printing scurrilous attacks on Sir Louis, he was 
personally very popular with the Turks, and the Grand Vizier 
expressed his amazement and regret — and he was entirely sincere 
— that such threats had been made. 



CHAPTER XI . 

GERMANY COMPELS TURKEY TO ENTER THE WAR 

But we were all there' in a highly nervous state, because we knew 
that Germany was working hard to produce a casus belli. Souchon 
frequently sent the Goehen and the Breslaii to manoeuvre in the 
Black Sea, hoping that the Russian fleet would attack.' There 
were several pending situations that might end in war. Turkish 
and Russian troops were having occasional sldrmishes on the 
Persian and Caucasian frontier. On October 29th Bedouin 
troops crossed the Egyptian border and had a little collision with 
British soldiers. On October 29th I had a long talk with Talaat. 
I called in the interest of the British Ambassador, to tell him 
about the Bedouins crossing into Egypt. " I suppose," Sir 
Louis wrote me, " that this means war ; you might mention this 
news to Talaat and impress upon him the possible results of this 
mad act." Already Sir Louis had had difficulties with Turkey 
over this matter. When he had protested to the Grand Vizier 
about the Turkish troops near the Egyptian frontier, the Turkish 
statesman had pointedly replied that Turkey recognised no such 
thing as an Egyptian frontier. By this he meant, of course, that 
Egypt itself was Turkish territory and that the EngHsh occupa- 
tion was a temporary usurpation. When I brought this Egyptian 
situation to Talaat 's attention he said that no Ottoman Bedouins 
had crossed into Egj^pt. The Turks had been building wells on 
the Sinai Peninsula to use in case war broke out with England ; 
England was destroying these wells, and the Bedouins, said 
Talaat, had interfered to stop this destruction. 

A± this meeting Talaat frankly told me that Turkey had 
decided to side with the Germans and to sink or swim with them. 
He went again over the famiUar grounds, and added that if 
Germany won — and Talaat said that he was convinced that 
Germany would win — the Kaiser would get his revenge on 
Turkey if Turkey had not helped him to obtain this victory, 
Talaat frankly admitted that fear — the motive which, as I have' 
said, is the 'one that chiefly inspires Turkish acts — was driving 
Turkey into a German alliance. He analysed the whole situation 
most "dispassionately ; he said that nations could not afford 



Germany Compels Turkey to Enter the War 8i 

such emotions as gratitude, or hate, or affection ; the only guide 
to action should be cold-blooded policy. 

" At this moment," said Talaat, " it is for our interest to side 
with Germany ; if, a month from now, it is our interest to 
embrace France and England, we shall do that just as readily." 

" Russia is our greatest enemy," he continued, " and we are 
afraid of her. If now, while Germany is attacking Russia, we 
can give her a good strong kick, and so make her powerless to 
injure us for some time, it is Turkey's duty to administer that 
kick " ! 

And then turning to me with a half-melancholy, half-defiant 
smile, he summed up the whole situation. 

" Ich mit die Deittschen," he said in his broken German. 

Because the Cabinet was so divided, however, the Germans 
themselves had to push Turkey over the precipice. The evening 
following my talk with Talaat, most fateful news came from 
Russia. Three Turkish torpedo boats had entered the harbour 
of Odessa, had sunk the Russian gunboat Donetz, killing a part of 
the crew, and had damaged two Russian dreadnoughts. They 
also sank the French ship Portugal, killing two of the crew and 
wounding two others. They then turned their shells on the town 
and destroyed a sugar factory, with some loss of life. German 
officers commanded these Turkish vessels ; there were very few 
Turks on board, as the Turkish crew had been given a holiday for 
the Turkish religious festival of Bairam. The act was simply a 
wanton and unprovoked one ; the Germans raided the town 
deliberately, simply to make war inevitable. The German 
officers on the General, as my friend had told me, were constantly 
threatening to commit some such act if Turkey did not do so ; 
well, now they had done it. When this news reached Con- 
stantinople, Djemal was playing cards at the Cercle d'Orient. 
As Djemal was Minister of Marine, this attack, had it been an- 
official act of Turkey, could have been made only on his orders. 
When someone called him from the card-table to tell him the 
news Djemal was much excited. " I know nothing about it," 
he replied. '' It has not been done by my orders." On the 
evening of the 29th I had another talk with talaat. He told me 
that he had known nothing of this attack beforehand, and that 
the whole responsibility rested with the German, Admiral 
Souchon. 

Whether Djemal and Talaat were telHng the truth in thus 
pleading ignorance I do not know ; my opinion is' that they were 
expecting some such outrage as this. But there is no question 
that the Grand Vizier, Said Halim, was genuinely grieved, 

G 



82 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

When M. Bompard and Sir Louis Mallet called on him and 
demanded their passports he burst into tears. He begged them 
to delay ; he was sure that the matter could be adjusted. The 
Grand Vizier was the only member of the Cabinet whom Enver 
and Talaat particularly wished to placate. As a prince of the 
royal house of Egypt, and as an extremely rich nobleman, his 
presence in. the Cabinet, as I have already said, gave it a certain 
standing. This probably explains the message which I now 
received. Talaat asked me to call upon the Russian Ambassador 
and ask what amends Turkey could make that would satisfy the 
Czar. There is little likelihood that Talaat sincerely wished me 
to patch up the difficulties ; his purpose was merely to show the 
Grand Vizier that he was attempting to meet his wishes and, in 
thisWay, to keep him in the Cabinet. I saw M. Giers, but found 
himpn no submissive mood. He said that Turkey could make 
amends only by dismissing all the German officers in the Turkish 
Army and Navy ; he had his instructions to leave at once and he 
should do so. However, he would wait long enough in Bulgaria 
to receive their reply, and, if they accepted his terms, he would 
come back. 

" Russia, herself, will guarantee that the Turkish fleet does 
not again come into the Black Sea," said M. Giers grimly. 
Talaat called on me in the afternoon, saying that he had just had 
lunch with Wangenheim. The Cabinet had the Russian reply 
under consideration, he said. The Grand Vizier wished to have 
M. Giers's terms put in writing ; would I attempt to get it ? 
By this time Garroni, the Italian Ambassador, had taken charge 
of Russian affairs, and I told Talaat that such negotiations were 
out of my hands, and that any further negotiations must be 
conducted through him. 

" Why don't you drop your mask as messenger-boy of the 
Grand Vizier and talk to me as Talaat ? " I asked. 

He laughed and said : " Well, Wangenheim, 'Enver, and 
prefer that the war shall come now." 

Bustany, Oskan, Mahmoud, and Djavid at once carried out 
their threats and resigned from the Cabinet, thus leaving the 
Government in the hands of Moslem Turks. The Grand Vizier, 
although he had threatened to resign, did not do so. He was 
exceedingly pompous and vain, and enjoyed the dignities of hi^ 
office so much that, when it came to the final decision, he could 
not surrender them. Thus the net result of Turkey's entrance 
into the war, so far as internal poKtics was concerned, was to put 
the nation entirely in the hands of the Committee of Union and 
Progress, which now controlled the Government in practically all 



Germany Compels Turkey to Enter the War 83 

its departments. Thus the idealistic organisation which had 
come into existence to give Turkey the blessings of democracy 
had ended by becoming a tool of Prussian autocracy. 

One final picture I have of these exciting days. On the 
evening of the 30th I called at the British Embassy. British 
residents were already streaming in large numbers to my office 
for protection, and fears of ill-treatment, even the massacre of 
foreigners, filled everybody's mind. Amid all this tension I 
found one imperturbable figure. Sir Louis was sitting in the 
chancery, before a huge fireplace, with large piles of documents 
heaped about him in a semi-circle. Secretaries and clerks were 
constantly entering, their arms full of papers, which they added 
to the accumulations already surrounding the Ambassador. Sir 
Louis would take up document after document, glance through 
it, and almost invariably drop it into the fire. These papers 
contained the Embassy records for probably a hundred years. 
In them were written the great achievements of a long line of 
distinguished Ambassadors. There appeared the story of all the 
diplomatic triumphs in Turkey of Stratford de Redchffe, the 
" Great Elchi," as the Turks called him, who, for the greater 
part of almost fifty years, from 1810 to 1858, practically ruled the 
Turkish Empire in the interest of England. The records of other 
great British Ambassadors at the Subhme Porte now went, one 
by one, into Sir Louis Mallet's fire. The long story of British 
ascendancy in Turkey had reached its close. The twenty years' 
campaign of the Kaiser to destroy England's influence and to 
become England's successor had finally triumphed, and the 
blaze in Sir Louis's chancery was really the funeral pyre of 
England's vanished power in. Turkey. As I looked upon this 
dignified and yet somewhat pensive diplomat, sitting there amid 
aU the splendours of the British Embassy, I naturally thought of 
how once the Sultans had bowed with fear and awe before the 
majesty of England, in the days when Prussia and Germany were 
httle more than names. Yet the British Ambassador, as is 
usually the case with British diplomatic and military figures, was 
quiet and self-possessed. We sat there before his fire and 
discussed the details of his departure. He gave me a list of the 
English residents who were to leave and those who were to stay, 
i and I made final arrangements with Sir Louis for taking over 
I British interests. Distressing in many ways as was this collapse 
! of British influence in Turkey, the honour of Great Britain and 
; that of her Ambassador was still secure. Sir Louis had not 
i purchased Turkish officials with money, as had Wangenheim ; 
I he had not corrupted the Turkish Press, trampled on every 



84 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

remaining vestige of international law, fraternised with a gang 
of political desperadoes, and conducted a ceaseless campaign of 
misrepresentations and lies against his enemy. The diplomatic 
game that had ended in England's defeat was one which English 
statesmen were not qualified to play. It called for talents such 
as only a Wangenheim possessed — it needed that German state- 
craft which, in accordance with Bismarck's maxim, was ready to 
sacrificefor the Fatherland " not only life but honour." 



pa 



CHAPTER XII 

THE TURKS ATTEMPT TO TREAT ALIEN ENEMIES DECENTLY, BUT 
THE GERMANS INSIST ON PERSECUTING THEM 

Soon after the bombardment of Odessa I was closeted with Enver, 
discussing the subject wfiich was then uppermost in the minds of 
all the foreigners in Turkey. How would the Government treat 
its resident enemies ? Would it intern them, establish con- 
centration camps, pursue them with German malignity, and 
perhaps apply the favourite Turkish measure with Christians — 
torture and massacre ? Thousands of enemy subjects were then 
living in the Ottoman Empire. Many of them had spent their 
whole lives there ; others had even been born on Ottoman soil. 
All these people, when Turkey entered the war, had every reason 
to expect the harshest kind of treatment. It is no exaggeration 
to say that most of them lived in constant fear of murder. The 
Dardanelles had been closed, so that there was little chance that 
outside help could reach these people ; the capitulatory rights, 
under which they had Uved for centuries, had been abrogated. 
There was really nothing betvveen the foreign residents and 
destruction except the American flag. The state of war had now 
made me, as American Ambassador, the protector of all British, 
French, Serbian, and Belgian subjects. I realised from the 
beginning that my task would be a difiticult one. On one hand 
were the Germans, urging their well-known ideas of repression 
and brutality, while on the other were the Turks, with their 
traditional hatred of Christians and their natural instinct to 
maltreat those who are helplessly placed in their power. 

Yet I had certain strong arguments on my side, and I now 
had called upon Enver for the purpose of laying them before him. 
Turkey desired the good opinion of the United States, and hoped, 
after the war, to find support among American financiers. At 
that time all the Embassies in Constantinople took it for granted 
that the United States would be the peacemaker. If Turkey 
expected us to be her friend, I now told Enver, she would have 
to treat enemy foreigners in a civilised way. 

" You hope to be reinstated as a world power," I said. " You 
must remember that the civilised world will carefully watch 
you ; your future status will depend on how you conduct yourself 



86 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

in war." The more educated Turks, including Enver, realised 
that the outside world regarded them as a people who had no 
respect for the sacredness of human life or the finer emotions, 
and they keenly resented this attitude. I now reminded Enver 
that Turkey had a splendid opportunity to disprove all these 
criticisms. " The world may say y(5u are barbarians," I argued ; 
" show by the way you treat these alien enemies that you are 
not. Only in this way can you be freed permanently from the 
ignominy of the capitulations. Prove that you are worthy of 
being emancipated from foreign tutelage. Be civilised — be 
modern ! " 

In view of what was happening in Belgium and Northern 
France at that moment, my use of the word " modern " was a 
little unfortunate. Enver quickly saw the point. Up to this 
time he had maintained his usual attitude of erect and dignified 
composure, and his face, as always, had been attentive, im- 
perturbable, almost expressionless. Now in a flash his whole 
bearing changed. His countenance broke into a cynical smile ; 
he leaned over, brought his fist down on the table, and said : 

" Modem ! No, however Turkey shall wage war, at least we 
shall not be ' modern.' That is the ipost barbaric system of all. 
We shall simply try to be decent ! " 

Naturally I construed this as a promise. I understood the 
changeableness of the Turkish character well enough, however, 
to know that more than a promise was necessary. The Germans 
were constantly prodding the Turkish officials, persuading them 
to adopt the favourite plan of operations against enemy ahens. 
Germany had revived many of the principles of ancient and 
medieval warfare, one of her most barbaric resurrections from' 
the past being this practice of keeping certain representatives of 
the population, preferably people of distinction and influence, as 
hostages for' the " good behaviour " of others. At this moment 
the German military staff was urging the Turks to keep foreign 
residents for this purpose. Just as the Germans held non- 
combatants in Belgium as security for the " friendliness " of the 
Belgians, and placed Belgian women and children at the head of 
their advancing armies, so the Germans in Turkey were now 
planning to use French and British residents as part of their 
protective system against the Allied fleet. That this sinister 
influence was constantly at work I well knew ; it was, therefore, 
necessary that I should meet it immediately, and, if possible, 
gain the upper hand at the very start. 1 decided that the 
departure of the Entente diplomats and residents from Con- 
stantinople would really put to the test my ability to protect the 



Treatment of Alien Enemies 87 

foreign residents. If all the French and English who really 
wished to leave could safeh^ get out of Turkey I believed that 
this demonstration would have a restraining influence, not only 
upon the Germans, but upon the underlings of the Turkish 
official world. 

As soon as I arrived at the railroad station, the day following 
the break, I saw that my task was not to be a simple one. I had 
arranged with the Turkish authorities for two trains : one for 
the English and French residents, which was to leave at seven 
o'clock, and one for the diplomats and their staff, which was to 
go at nine. But the arrangement was not working according to 
schedule. The station was a surging mass of excited and 
frightened people ; the poUce were there in full force, pushing 
the crowds back ; the scene was an indescribable mixture of 
soldiers, gendarmes, diplomats, baggage, and Turkish function- 
aries. 

One of the most conspicuous figures was Bedri Bey, Prefect 
of Police, a lawyer-politician, who had recently been elevated to 
this position, and who keenly reaHsed the importance of his new 
office. Bedri was an intimate friend and political subordinate 
of Talaat and one of his most valuable tools. He ranked high 
in the Committee of Union and Progress, and aspired ultimately 
to obtain a Cabinet position. Perhaps his most impelling motive 
was his hatred of foreigners and foreign influence. In his eyes 
Turkey was the land exclusively of the Turks ; he hated aU the 
other elements in its population, and he particularly resented the 
control which the foreign Embassies had for years exerted in the 
domestic concerns of his country. Indeed, there were few men 
in Turkey with whom the permanent abohtion of the capitula- 
tions was such a heartfelt issue. Naturally, in the next few 
months I saw much of Bedri ; he was constantly crossing my 
path, taking an almost mahcious pleasure in interfering with 
every move which I made in the interest of the foreigners. His 
attitude was half -provoking, half- jocular ; we were always trying 
to outwit each other— I attempting to protect the French and 
British, Bedri always turning up as an obstacle to my efforts. 
The fight for the foreigners, indeed, almost degenerated into a 
personal duel between the Prefect of Police and the American 
Embassy. Bedri was capable, well-educated, very agile, and not 
partiqularly ill-natured, but he loved to toy with a helpless 
foreigner. Naturally he found his occupation this evening a 
congenial one. 

" What's al! the trouble about ? " I asked Bedri. 

" We have changed our minds," he said, and his manner 



88 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

showed that the change had not been displeasing to him., " We 
shall let the train go that is to take the Ambassadors and their 
staf(s, but we have decided not to let the unoihcial classes leave 
— the train that was to take them will not go." 

My staff and myself had worked hard to get this free passage 
for the enemy nationals. Now apparently some' influence had 
negatived our efforts. This sudden change in plans was produc- 
ing the utmost confusion and consternation. At the station 
there were two groups of passengers, one of which could go and 
the other of which could not. The British and French Am- 
bassadors did not wish to leave their nationals behind, and the 
latter refused to believe that their train, which the Turkish 
officials had definitely promised, would not start some time that 
evening. I immediately called up Enver, who substantiated 
Bedri's statement. Turkey had many subjects in Egypt, he 
said, whose situation was causing great anxiety. Before the 
French and EngUsh residents could leave Turkey assurances 
must be given that the rights of Turkish subjects in these 
countries would be protected. I had no difficulty in arranging 
this detail, for Sir Louis Mallet immediately gave the necessary 
assurances. However, this did not settle the matter ; indeed, it 
had been little more than a pretext. Bedri still refused to let 
the train start. The order holding it up, he said, could not be 
rescinded, for that would now disarrange the general schedule 
and might cause accidents. I recognised all this as mere Turkish 
evasion, and I knew that the order had come from a higher source 
than Bedri. Still, nothing could be done at that moment. 
Moreover, Bedri would let no one get on the diplomatic train 
until I had personally identified him. So I had to stand at a 
little gate and pass upon each appHcant. Everyone, whether 
he belonged to the diplomatic corps or not, attempted to force 
himself through this narrow passage-way, and we had an old- 
fashioned Brooklyn Bridge crush on a small scale. People were 
running in all directions, checking baggage, purchasing tickets, 
arguing with officials, consohng distracted women and frightened 
children, while Bedri, calm and collected, watched the whole 
pandemonium with an unsympathetic smile. Hats were knocked 
off, clothing was torn, and, to add to the confusion. Mallet, the 
British Ambassador, became involved in a set-to with an officious 
Turk — the Englishman winning first honours easily ; and I 
caught a glimpse of Bompard, the French Ambassador, vigor- 
ously shaking a Turkish policeman. One lady dropped her baby 
in my arms, later another handed me a small boy, and still later, 
when I was standing at the gate identifying Turkey's departing 



Treatment of Alien Enemies 89 

guests, one of the British secretaries made me the custodian of 
his dog. Meanwhile, Sir Louis Mallet became obstreperous and 
refused to leave. 

" I shall stay here," he said, " until the last British subject 
leaves Turkey." 

But I told him that he was no lon^ger the protector of the 
British ; that I, as American Ambassador, had assumed this 
responsibility ; and that I could hardly assert myself in this 
capacity if he remained in Constantinople. 

" Certainly," I said, ' the Turks would not recognise me as in 
charge of British interests if you remain here." 

Moreover, I suggested that he remain at Dedeagatch for a 
few days, and await the arrival of his fellow British. If I did not 
succeed in getting them out of the country, then he could return. 
Sir Louis reluctantly accepted my point of view and boarded the 
train. As the train left the station I caught my final ghmpse of 
the British Ambassador, sitting in his private car, almost buried 
in a mass of trunks, satchels, boxes, and diplomatic pouches, 
surrounded by his Embassy staff, and sympathetically watched 
by his first secretary's dog. 

The unofficial foreigners remained in the station several hours, 
hoping that, at the last moment, they would be permitted to go. 
Bedri, however, was inexorable. Their position was almost 
desperate. They had given up their quarters in Constantinople, 
and .now found themselves practically stranded. Some were 
taken in by friends for the night, others found accommodation 
in hotels, but their situation caused the utmost anxiety. 
Evidently, despite all official promises, Turkey was determined to 
keep these foreign residents as hostages. On the one hand were 
Enver and Talaat, telling me that they intended to conduct their 
war in a humane manner, and, on the other, were their underlings, 
such as Bedri, behaving in a fashion that negatived all these 
civihsed pretensions. The fact was that the ofticials were 
quarrelling among themselves about the treatment of foreigners, 
and the German General Staff was telling the Cabinet that they 
were making a great mistake in showing any leniency to their 
enemy aliens. Finally I succeeded in making arrangements for 
them to leave the following day. Bedri, in more complaisant 
mood, spent that afternoon at the Embassy, viseing passports. 
We both went to the station in the evening and started the train 
safely to Dedeagatch. I gave a box of candy — " Turkish 
Delights " — to each one of the fifty women and children on the 
train ; it altogether was a happy party, and they made no 
attempt to liide their rehef at leaving Turkey. At Dedeagatch 



go Secrets of the Bosphorus 

they met the diplomatic corps, and the reunion that took place, 
I afterward learned, was extremely touching. I was made happy 
by receiving many testimonials of their gratitude, in particular 
a letter, signed by more than a hundred, expressing their thanks 
to Mrs. Morgenthau, the Embassy Staff, and myself. 

There were still several who wished to go, and next day I 
called on Talaat in their behalf. I found him in one of his most 
gracious moods. The Cabinet, he said, had carefully considered 
the whole matter of Enghsh and French residents in Turkey, and 
my arguments, he added, had greatly influenced them. They 
had reached the formal decision that enemy aliens could leave or 
remain, as they preferred. There would be no concentration 
camps, civilians could pursue their usual business in peace, and, 
so long as they behaved. themselves, they would not be molested. 

" We proposed to show," said Talaat, " by our treatment of 
aliens, that we are not a race of barbarians." 

In return for this promise he asked a favour of me : would I 
not see that Turkey was praised in the American and European 
Press for this decision ? 

After returning to the Embassy I immediately sent for Mr. 
Theron Damon, correspondent of the Associated Press, Doctor 
Lederer, correspondent of the Berliner Tagehlatt, and Doctor 
Sandler, who represented the Paris Herald, and gave them 
interviews, praising the attitude of Turkey toward the foreign 
residents. I also cabled the news to Washington, London, and 
Paris, and to all our consuls. 

Hardly had I finished with the correspondents when I again 
received alarming news. I had arranged for another train that 
evening, and I now heard that the Turks were refusing to vise 
the passports of those whose departure I had provided for. This 
news, coming right after Talaat 's expHcit promise, was naturally 
disturbing. I immediately started for the railroad station, and 
the sight which I saw there increased my anger at the Minister of 
the Interior. A mass of distracted people filled the enclosure ; 
the women were weeping and the children were screaming, while 
a platoon of Turkish soldiers, commanded by an undersized 
popinjay of a major, was driving everybody out of the station 
with the flat sides of their guns. Bedri, as usual, was there, and, 
as usual, he was clearly enjoying the confusion. Certain of the 
passengers, he told me, had riot paid their income tax, and, for 
this reason, they would not be permitted to leave. I announced 
that I would be personally responsible for this payment. 

" I can't get ahead of you, Mr. Ambassador, can I ? " said 
Bedri, with a laugh. From this we all thought that my offer 



Treatment of Alien Enemies 91 

had settled the matter and that the train would leave as per 
schedule. But then suddenly came another order holding it up 
again. 

Since I had just had my promise with Talaat, I decided to 
find that functionary and learn what all this meant. I jumped 
into my automobile and went to the Subhme Porte, where he 
usually had his headquarters. Finding no one there, I told the 
chauffeur to drive directly to Talaat 's house. Some time before 
I had visited Enver in his domestic surroundings, and this 
occasion now gave me the opportunity to compare his manner of 
life with that of Ms more powerful associate. The contrast was 
a startling one. I had found Enver living in luxury in one of the 
most aristocratic parts of the town, while now I was driving to 
one of the poorer sections. We came to a narrow street, bordered • 
by httle rough, unpainted wooden houses ; only one thing 
distinguished tliis thoroughfare from all others in Constantinople 
and suggested that it was the abiding-place of the most powerful 
man in the Turkish Empire. At either end stood a poHceman 
letting no one enter who could not give a satisfactory reason for 
doing so. Our auto, hke all others, was stopped, but we were 
promptly permitted to pass when we explained who we were. 
As contrasted with Enver 's palace, with its innumerable rooms 
and gorgeous furniture, Talaat 's house was an old rickety, 
wooden, three-storey building. All this, I afterwards learned, 
was part of the setting which Talaat had staged for his career. 
Like many an American politician, he had found his position as 
a man of " the people " a valuable political asset, and he knew 
that a sudden display of prosperity and ostentation would 
weaken his influence with the Union and Progress Committee, 
most of whose members, like himself, had risen from the lower 
walks of hfe. The contents of the house were quite in keeping 
with the exterior. There were no suggestions of Oriental 
magnificence. The furniture was cheap ; a few coarse prints hung 
on the w^alls, and one or two well-worn rugs were scattered on 
the floor. On one side stood a wooden table, and on this 
rested a telegraph instrument — once Talaat 's means of earning a 
living, and now the means by which he communicated with his 
associates. In the present troubled conditions in Turkey Talaat 
preferred to do his own telegraphing. 

Amid these surroundings I waited for a few minutes the 
entrance of the Big Boss of Turkey. In due time a door opened 
at the other end of the room, and a huge, lumbering, gaily- 
decorated figure entered. I was startled by the contrast which 
this Talaat presented to the one who had become such a familiar 



92 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

figure to me at the Sublime Porte. It was no longer the Talaat 
of the European clothes and the thin veneer of European 
manners ; the man whom I now saw looked like a real Bulgarian 
gypsy. Talaat wore the usual red Turkish fez ; the rest of his 
bulky form was clothed in thick grey pyjamas, and from this 
combination protruded a rotund, smiling face. His mood was 
half-genial, half-deprecating. Talaat well understood what 
pressing business had led me to invade his domestic privacy, and 
his behaviour now resembled that of the unrepentant bad boy in 
school. He came and sat down with a good-natured grin, and 
began to make excuses. Quietly the door opened again, and a 
hesitating little girl was pushed into the room, bringing a tray of 
cigarettes and coffee. Presently I saw that a young woman, 
apparently about twenty-five years old, was standing back of the 
child, urging her to enter. Here, then, were Talaat 's wife and 
adopted daughter. I had already discovered that, while Turkish 
women never enter society or act as hostesses, they are extremely 
inquisitive about their husbands' guests, and hke to get sur- 
reptitious glimpses of them. Evidently Madame Talaat, on this 
occasion, was not satisfied with her preliminary view, for a few 
minutes afterward she appeared at a window directly opposite 
me, but entirely unseen by her husband, who was facing in the 
other direction, and there she remained very quiet and very 
observant for several minutes. As she was in the house, she was 
unveiled ; her face was handsome and intelligent, and it was 
quite apparent that she enjoyed this close-range view of an 
American Ambassador. 

" Well, Talaat," I said, realising that the time had come for 
plain speaking, " don't you- know how foolishly you are acting ? 
You told me a few hours ago that you had decided to treat the 
French and Enghsh decently, and you asked me to pubhsh this 
news in the American and foreign Press. I at once called in the 
newspaper men and told them how splendidly you were behaving. 
And this at your own request ! The whole world will be reading 
about it to-morrow. Now you are doing your best to counteract 
all my efforts in your behalf ; here you have repudiated your first 
promise to be decent. Are you going to keep the promises you 
made me ? Will you stick to them, or do you intend to keep 
changing your mind all the time ? Now let's have a real under- 
standing. The thing we Americans particularly pride ourselves 
on is keeping our word. We do it as individuals and as a nation. 
We refuse to deal with people as equals who do not do this. You - 
might as well understand now that we can do no business with 
each other unless I can depend on your promises." 



Treatment of Alien Enemies 93 

" Now, this isn't my fault," Talaat answered. " The 
Germans are to blame for stopping that train. The German 
Chief of Staff has just returned and is making a big fuss, saying 
that we are too easy with the French and English and that we 
must not let them go away. He says that we must keep them 
for hostages. It was his interference that did this." 

That was precisely what I had suspected. Talaat had given 
me his promise, then Bronssart, head of the German Staff, had 
practically countermanded his orders. Talaat 's admission gave 
me the opening which I had wished for. By this time my 
relations with Talaat had become so friendly that I could talk to 
him almost as I could talk to my own son. 

" Now, Talaat, ' I said, " you have got to have someone to 
advise you in your relations with foreigners. You must make up 
your mind whether you want me or the German Staff. Don't 
you think you will make a mistake if you place yourself entirely 
in the hands of the Germans ? The time may come when you 
will need me against the Germans." 

" What do you mean by that ? " he asked, watching for my 
answer with intense curiosity. 

" The Germans are sure to ask you to do many things you 
don't want to do. If you can tell them that the American 
Ambassador objects, my support may prove useful to you. 
Besides, you know we all expect peace in a few months. You 
know that the Germans really care nothing for Turkey,- and 
certainly you have no claims on the Allies for assistance. There 
is only one nation in the world that you can look to as a dis- 
interested friend, and that is the United States." 

This fact was so apparent that I hardly needed to argue it in 
any great detail. However, I had another argument that struck 
still nearer home. Already the struggle between the war depart- 
ment and the civil powers had started. I knew that Talaat, 
although he was Minister of the Interior and a. civihan, wsls 
determined not to sacrifice a little of his authority to Enver, the 
Germans, and the representatives of the military. 

" If you let the Germans win this point to-day," I said, " you 
are practically in their power. You are now the head of affairs, 
but you are still a ci\'ilian. Are you going to let the military, 
represented by Enver and the German Staff, over-rule your 
orders ? Apparently that is what has happened to-day. If you 
submit to it, you will find that they will be running things from 
now on. The Germans will put this country'under martial law ; 
then where will you civilians be ? " 

I could see that this argument was having its effect on Talaat. 



94 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

He remained quiet for a few moments, evidently pondering my 
remarks: Then he said, with the utmost dehberation : 

" I am going to help you." 

He turned around to his table and began working his telegraph 
instrument. I shall never forget the picture ; this huge Turk, 
sitting there in his grey pyjamas and his red fez, working in- 
dustriously his own telegraph key, his young wife gazing at him 
through a little window, and the late afternoon sun streaming 
into the room. Evidently the ruler of Turkey was having his 
troubles, and, as the argument went on over the telegraph, 
Talaat would bang his key with increasing irritation. He told 
me that the pompous major at the station insisted on having 
Enver's written orders, since orders over the wire might easily 
be counterfeited. It took Talaat some time to locate Enver, and 
then the dispute apparently started all over again. A piece of 
news which Talaat received at that moment over the wire almost 
ruined my case. After a prolonged thumping of his instrument, 
in the course of which Talaat 's face lost its geniality and became 
almost savage, he turned to me and said : 

" The English bombarded the Dardanelles this morning and 
killed two Turks ! " 

And then he added : 

" We intend to kill three Christians for every Moslem killed ! " 

For a moment I thought that everything was lost. Talaat 's 
face reflected only one emotion — hatred of the English. After- 
ward, when reading the Cromer report on the Dardanelles, I 
found that the British Committee stigmatised this early attack a 
mistake, as it gave the Turks an early warning of their plans. I 
can testify that it was a mistake for another reason, for I now 
found that these few stray shots almost destroyed my plans to 
get the foreign residents out of Turkey. Talaat was enraged, 
and I had to go over much of the ground again, but finally I 
succeeded in pacifying him once more. I saw that he was 
vacillating between his desire to punish the EngUsh and his desire 
to assert his own authority over that of Enver and the Germans. 
Fortunately the latter motive gained the ascendancy. At all 
hazard, he was determined to show that he was boss. 

We remained there more than two hours, my involuntary host 
pausing now and then in his telegraphing to entertain me with 
the latest political gossip. Djavid, the Minister of Finance, he 
said, had resigned, but had promised to work for them at home. 
The Grand Vizier, despite his threats, had been persuaded to 
retain his office. Foreigners in the interior would not be molested 
unless Beirut, Alexandretta, or some unfortified port were 



Treatment of Alien Enemies 95 

bombarded, but, if such attacks were made, they would exact 
reprisals of the French and English. Talaat's conversation 
showed that he had no particular liking for the Germans. They 
were overbearing and insolent, he said, constantly interfering in 
military matters, and treating the Turks with disdain. 

Finally the train was arranged. Talaat had shown several 
moods in this interview ; he had been by turns sulky, good- 
natured, savage, and complaisant. There is one phase of the 
Turkish character which Westerners do not comprehend, and 
that is its keen sense of humour. Talaat himself greatly loved a 
joke and a funny story. Now that he had re-estabhshed friendly 
relations and redeemed his promise, Talaat became jocular once 
more. 

" Your people can go now," he said with a laugh. " It's time 
to buy your candies, Mr. Ambassador ! " 

i '-This latter, of course, was a reference to the little gifts which 
I had made to the women and children the night before. We 
immediately returned to the station, where we found the dis- 
consolate passengers sitting around waiting for a favourable 
word. When I told them that the train would leave that 
evening, their thanks and gratitude were overwhelming. 



CHAPTER XIII 

THE INVASION OF THE ZION SISTERS* SCHOOL 

Talaat's statement that the German Chief of Staff, Bronsart, 
had really held up this train was a valuable piece of information. 
I decided to look into the matter further, and, with this idea in 
my mind, I called next day on Wangenheim. The Turkish 
authorities, I said, had solemnly promised that they would treat 
their enemies decently, and certainly I could not tolerate any 
interference in the matter from the German Chief of Staff. 
Wangenheim had repeatedly told me that the Germans were 
looking to President Wilson as the peacemaker, and I therefore 

.used the same argument with him that I had urged on Talaat. 
Proceedings of this sort would not help his country when the day 
of the final settlement came. Here, I said, we have a strange 
situation ; a so-called barbarous country, like Turkey, attempting 
to make civilised warfare and treat their Christian enemies with 
decency and kindness, and, on the other hand, a supposedly 
cultured and Christian nation, like Germany, which is trying to 
dissuade them from this resolve. " What sort of an impression 
do you think that will make on the American people ? '' I asked 
Wangenheim. He expressed a willingness to help, and suggested, 
as my consideration for such help, that I should try to persuade 
the United States to insist on free commerce with Germany, so 
that his country could receive plentiful cargoes of copper, wheat, 
and cotton. This was a subject to which, as I shall relate, 
Wangenheim constantly returned. 

Despite Wangenheim's promise, I had practically no support 
from the German Embassy in my attempt to protect the foreign 
residents from Turkish ill-treatment. I realised that, owing to 
my religion, there might be a feeling in certain quarters that I 

' was not exerting aU my energies in behalf of these Christian . 
peoples and religious organisations— hospitals, schools, monas- 
teries, and convents — and I naturally thought that it would 
strengthen my influence with the Turks if I could have the ' 
support of my most powerful Christian colleagues. I had a long 
discussion on this matter with Pallavicini, himself a CathoKc and 
the representative of the greatest Catholic Power. Pallavicini 
frankly told me that Wangenheim would do nothing that would 



The Invasion of the Zion Sisters' School 97 

annoy the Turks. There was then a constant fear that the 
Enghsh and French fleets would force the Dardanelles, capture 
Constantinople, and hand it over to Russia, and only the Turkish 
forces, said PaUavicini, could prevent such a calamity. The 
Germans therefore believed that they were dependent on the 
good graces of the Turkish Government, and would do nothing to 
antagonise them. Evidently PaUavicini wished me to believe 
that Wangenheim and he really desired to help. Yet this plea 
was hardly disingenuous, for I knew all the time that Turkey, 
if the Germans had not constantly interfered, would have 
behaved decently. I found that the evil spirit was not the 
Turkish Government, but von Bronsart, the German Chief of 
Staff. The fact that certain members of the Turkish Cabinet 
who represented European and Christian culture — men like 
Bustany and Oskan — had resigned as a protest against Turkey's 
action in entering the war, made the situation of foreigners even 
more dangerous. There was also much conflict of authority ; a 
policy decided on one day would be reversed the next, the result 
being that we never knew where we stood. The mere fact that 
the Government promised me that foreigners would not be mal- 
treated by no means settled the matter, for some underhng, hke 
Bedri Bey, could frequently find an excuse for disregarding 
instructions. The situation, therefore, was one that called for 
constant vigilance ; I had not only to get pledges from men hke 
Talaat and Enver, but I had personally to see that these pledges 
were carried into action. 

I awoke one November morning at four o'clock ; I had been 
dreaming, or I had had a " presentiment," that all was not going 
well with the Sion Soeurs, a French sisterhood which had for 
many years conducted a school for girls in Constantinople. 
Madame Bompard, the wife of the French Ambassador, and 
several ladies of the French colony, had particularly requested me 

I to keep a watchful eye on this institution. It was a splendidly- 
conducted school ; the daughters of many of the best families of 
all nationalities attended it, and when these girls were assembled, 
the Christians wearing silver crosses and the non-Christians 
silver stars, the sight was particularly beautiful and impressive. 
Naturally the thought of the brutal Turks breaking into such a 

I community was enough to arouse the wrath of any properly 
constituted man. Though we had nothing more definite than an 
uneasy feeling that something might be wrong, Mrs. Morgenthau 
and I decided to go up immediately after breakfast. As we 
approached the building we noted nothing particularly sus- 
picious ; the place was quiet and the whole atmosphere was one 

H 



98 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

of peace and sanctity. Just as we ascended the steps, however, 
five Turkish policemen followed on our heels. They crowded 
after us into the vestibule, much to the consternation of a few of 
the Sisters, who happened to be in the waiting-room. The mere 
fact that the American Ambassador came with the police in 
itself increased their alarm, though our arrival together was 
purely coincidental. 

" What do you want ? " I asked, turning to the men. As they 
spoke only Turkish, naturally they did not understand me, and 
they started to push me aside. My own knowledge of Turkish 
was extremely limited, but I knew that the word " Elchi " 
meant " Ambassador." So, pointing to myself, I said " Elchi 
Americaner." 

This scrap of Turkish worked like magic. In Turkey an 
Ambassador is a much revered object, and these policemen im- 
mediately respected my authority. Meanwhile the Sisters had 
sent for their Superior, Mere Elvira. This lady was one of the 
most distinguished and influential personages in Constantinople. 
That morning, as she came in quietly and faced these Turkish 
policemen, showing not a sign of fear, and completely overawing 
them by the splendour and dignity of her bearing, she represented 
to my eyes almost a supernatural being. Mere Elvira was a 
daughter of one of the most aristocratic families of France ; she 
was a woman of perhaps forty years of age, with black hair and 
shining black eyes, all accentuated by a pale face that radiated 
culture, character, and intelligence. I could not help thinking, 
as I looked at her that morning, that there was not a diplomatic 
circle in the world to which she would not have added grace and 
dignity. In a few seconds Mere Elvira had this present dis- 
tracting situation completely under control. She sent for a Sister 
who spoke Turkish, and queried the policemen. They said that 
they were acting under Bedri's orders. All the foreign schools 
were to be closed that morning, the Government intending to 
seize all their buildings. There were about seventy-two teachers j 
and Sisters in this convent ; the pohce had orders to shut all these j 
into two rooms, where they were to be held practically as; 
prisoners. There were about two hundred girls ; these were to j 
be turned out into the streets, and left to shift for themselves. 
The fact that it was raining in torrents, and that the weather was j 
extremely cold, accentuated the barbarity of this proceeding. 
Yet every enemy school and rehgious institution in Constan-| 
tinople was undergoing a similar experience at this time. Clearlyi 
this was a situation which I could not handle alone, and I at oncej 
telephoned my Turkish-speaking legal adviser. Herein isi 



The Invasion of the Zion Sisters' School 99 

another incident which may have an interest for those who 
believe in providential intervention. When I arrived in Con- 
stantinople telephones had been unknown, but, in the last few 
months, an English company had been introducing a system. 
The night before my experience with the Sion Soeurs, my legal 
adviser had called me up and proudly told me that his telephone 
had just been installed. I jotted down his number, and this 
memorandum I now found in my pocket. Without my inter- 
preter I should have been hard pressed, and without this telephone 
I could not have immediately brought him to the spot. 

While waiting for his arrival I delayed the operations of the 
policemen, and my wife, who fortunately speaks French, was 
obtaining all the details from the Sisters. Mrs. Morgenthau 
understood the Turks well enough to know that they had other 
plans than the mere expulsion of the Sisters and their charges. 
The Turks regard these institutions as repositories of treasure ; 
the valuables which they contain are greatly exaggerated in the 
popular mind, and it was a safe assumption that, among other 
things, this expulsion was an industrious raiding expedition for 
tangible evidences of wealth. 

" Have you any money and other valuables here ? " Mrs. 
Morgenthau asked one of the Sisters. 

Yes, they had in fact quite a little ; it was kept in a safe 
upstairs. My wife told me to keep the policemen busy and then 
she and one of the Sisters quietly disappeared from the scene, 
, Upstairs the Sister disclosed about a hundred square pieces of 
white flannel into each one of which had been sewed twenty gold 
I coins. In all, the Sion Soeurs had in this liquid form about fifty 
thousand francs. They had been fearing expulsion for some time, 
and had been getting together their money in this form, so that 
' they could carry it away with them when forced to leave Turkey. 
'Besides this, the Sisters had several bundles of securities and 
many valuable papers, such as the charter of their school. 
Certainly here was something that would appeal to Turkish 
cupidity. Mrs. Morgenthau knew that if the pohce once obtained 
control of the building there would be Httle likelihood that the 
Sion Sisters would ever see their money again. With the aid of 
the Sisters, my wife promptly concealed as much as she could on 
her person, descended the stairs, and marched through a line of 
gendarmes out into the rain. Mrs. Morgenthau told me after- 
ward that her blood almost ran cold with fright as she passed^by 
these guardians of the law ; from all external signs, however,' she 
was absolutely calm and collected. She stepped into the waiting 
^auto, was driven to the American Embassy, placed the money in 
I 



^a*1 



100 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

our vault, and promptly returned to the school. Again Mrs. 
Morgenthau solemnly ascended the stairs with the Sisters. This 
time they took her to the gallery of the Cathedral, which stood 
behind the convent, but could be entered through it. One of the | 
Sisters lifted up a tile from a particular spot in the floor, and 
again disclosed a heap of gold coins. This was secreted in Mrs. 
Morgenthau's clothes, and once more she filed past the gen- 
darmes, out into the rain, and was driven rapidly to the Embassy. 
In these two trips my wife succeeded in getting the money of the 
Sisters to a place where it would be safe from the Turks. 

Between Mrs. Morgenthau's trips Bedri had arrived. He told 
me that Talaat had himself given the order for closing all the 
institutions, and that they had intended to have the entire job 
finished before nine o'clock. I have already said that the Turks 
have a sense of humour, but to this statement I should add that 
it sometimes manifests itself in a perverted form. Bedri now 
seemed to think that locking more than seventy Catholic Sisters 
in two rooms and turning two hundred young and carefully- 
nurtured girls into the streets of Constantinople was a great joke. 

" We were going at it early in the morning, to have it all 
over before you heard anything about it," he said, with a laugh., 
" But you seem never to be asleep." I 

" You are very foolish to try to play such tricks on us," I said. 
" Don't you know that I am going to write a book ? If you go 
on behaving in this way, I shall put you in as the villain," 

This remark was an inspiration of the moment ; it was then 
that it first occurred to me that these experiences might prove 
sulhciently interesting for pubhcation. Bedri took the statement 
seriously, and it seemed to have a sobering effect. 

" Do you really intend to write a book ? " he asked, almost 
anxiously. 

" Why not ? " I rejoined. " General Lew Wallace was 
minister here — didn't he write a book ? ' Sunset ' Cox was alsc 
minister here — didn't he write one ? Why shouldn't I ? And 
you are such an important character that I shall have to give yoi; 
a part. Why do you go on acting in a way that will make me 
describe you as a very bad man ? These Sisters here havf 
always been your friends. They have never done you anything 
but good ; they have educated many of your daughters ; wh} 
do you treat them in this shameful fashion ? " 

This plea produced an effect ; Bedri consented to postpom 
execution of the order until we could get Talaat on the wire. Ir 
a few minutes I heard Talaat laughing over the telephone. Itte 

" I tried to escape you," he said, " but you have caught mi 



The Invasion of the Zion Sisters' School loi 

again. Why make such a row about this matter ? Didn't the 
French themselves expel all their nuns and monks ? Why 
shouldn't we do it ? " 

After I had remonstrated over this indecent haste, Talaat told 
Bedri to suspend the order until we had had a chance to talk the 
matter over. Naturally this greatly reUeved Mere Elvira and 
the Sisters. Just as we were about to leave, Bedri suddenly had 
a new idea. There was one detail which he had apparently 
forgotten. 

" We'll leave the Sion Sisters alone for the present," he said, 
" but we must get their money." 

Reluctantly I acquiesced in his suggestion — knowing that all 
the valuables were safely reposing in the American Embassy. 
So I had the pleasure of standing by and watching Bedri and his 
associates search the whole establishment. All they turned up 
was a small tin box containing a few copper coins, a prize which 
was so trifling that the Turks disdained to take it. They were 
much puzzled and disappointed, and from that day to this they 
have never known what became of the money. If my Turkish 
friends do me the honour of reading these pages they will find 
that I have explained here for the first time one of the many 
mysteries of those exciting days. 

As some of the windows of the convent opened on the court of 
the Cathedral, which was Vatican property, we contended that 
the Turkish Government could not seize it. Such of the Sisters 
as were neutrals were allowed to remain in possession of the part 
that faced the Vatican land, while the rest of the building was 
turned into an engineers' school. We arranged that the French 
nuns should have ten days to leave for their own country ; they 
all reached their destination safely, and most are at present 
engaged in charities and war-work in France. 

My jocular statement that I intended to write a book deeply 
impressed Bedri, and in the next few weeks he repeatedly 
referred to it. I kept bantcringly telHng him that, unless his 
behaviour improved, I should be forced to picture him as the 
villain. One day he asked me, in all seriousness, whether he 
could not do something that would justify me in portraying him 
in a more favourable light. Tliis attitude gave me an oppor- 
tunity I had been seeking for some time. Constantinople had for 
many years been a centre for the white slave trade, and a par- 
ticularly vicious gang was then operating under cover of a fake 
synagogue. An international committee, organised to fight this 
crew, had "made me chairman. I told Bedri that he now had the 
chance to secure a reputation. Because of the war, his powers as 



102 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

Prefect of Police had been greatly increased, and a little vigorous 
action on his part would permanently rid the city of this disgrace. 
The enthusiasm with which Bedri adopted my suggestion and 
the thoroughness and ability with which he did the work entitle 
h.im'^toTthe gratitude of all decent people. In a few days every 
white slave trader in Constantinople was scurrying for safety. 
Most were arrested, a few made their escape ; such as were 
foreigners, after serving terms in gaol, were expelled from the 
country. Bedri furnished me with photographs of all the culprits, 
and they are now on file in our State Department. I was not 
writing a book at that time, but I felt obliged to secure some 
public recognition for Bedri's work. I therefore sent his photo- 
graph, with a few words about his achievement, to the New York 
Times, which published it in a Sunday edition. That a great 
American newspaper had recognised him in this way delighted 
Bedri beyond words. For months he carried in his pocket the 
page of the Times containing his picture, showing it to all his 
friends. This event ended my troubles with the Prefect of Police ; 
for the rest of my stay we had very few serious clashes. 



CHAPTER XIV 

WANGENHEDI AND THE BETHLEHEM STEEL COMPANY — A HOLY 
WAR THAT WAS MADE IN GERMANY 

All this time I was increasing my knowledge of the modern 
German character, as illustrated in Wangenheim and his 
associates. In the early days of the war the Germans showed 
their most ingratiating side to Americans ; as time went on, 
however, and it became apparent that pubhc opinion in the 
United States almost unanimously supported the Allies, and that 
the Washington Administration would not disregard the neu- 
trality laws in order to promote Germany's interest, this friendly 
attitude changed and became almost hostile. 

The grievance to which the German Ambassador constantly 
returned with tiresome iteration was the old familiar one — the 
sale of American ammunition to the Allies. I hardly ever met 
him that he did not speak about it. He was constantly asking 
me to write to President Wilson, urging him to declare an 
embargo. Of course, my contention that the commerce in 
munitions was entirely legitimate made no impression. As the 
struggle at the Dardanelles became more intense, Wangenheim's 
insistence on the subject of American ammunition grew. He 
asserted that most of the shells used at the Dardanelles had been 
made in America and that the United States was really waging 
war on Turkey. 

One day, more angry than usual, he brought me a piece of 
shell. On it clearly appeared the inscription, " B.S.Co." 

" Look at that ! " he said. " I suppose you know what 
' B.S.Co,' means ? That is the Bethlehem Steel Company ! This 
will make the Turks furious. And remember that we are going 
to hold the United States responsible for it. We are getting more 
and more proof, and we are going to hold you to account for every 
death caused by American shells. If you would only write home, 
and make them stop selling ammunition to our enemies, the war 
would be over very soon." 

I made the usual defence, and called Wangenheim's attention 
to the fact that Germany had sold munitions to Spain in the 
Spanish War ; but all this was to no purpose. All that Wangen- 
heim saw was that American supplies formed an asset to his 



104 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

enemy ; the legalities of the situation did not interest him. Of 
course, I refused point-blank to write to the President about the 
matter. 

A few days afterward an article appeared in the Ikdam 
discussing Turkish and American relations. This contribution, 
for the greater part, was extremely compUmentary to America ; 
its real purpose, however, was to contrast the present with the 
past, and to point out that our action in furnishing ammunition 
to Turkey's enemies was hardly in accordance with the historic 
friendship between the two countries. The whole thing was 
evidently written merely to get before the Turkish people a 
statement almost parenthetically included in the final paragraph : 
" According to the report of correspondents at the Dardanelles, 
it appears that most of the shells fired by the British and French 
during the last bombardment were made in America." At this 
time the German Embassy controlled the Ikdam, and was 
conducting it entirely in the interest of German propaganda. A 
statement of this sort, instilled into the minds of impressionable 
and fanatical Turks, might have the most deplorable con- 
sequences. I therefore took the matter up immediately with 
the man whom I regarded as chiefly responsible for the attack — 
the German Ambassador. 

At first Wangenheim asserted his innocence ; he was as bland 
as a child in protesting his ignorance of the whole affair, I called 
his attention to the fact that the statements in the Ikdam were 
almost identically the same as those which he had made to me a 
few days before ; that the language in certain spots, indeed, was 
almost a repetition of his own conversation. 

" Either you wrote that article yourself," I said, " or you 
called in the reporter and gave him the leading ideas." 

Wangenheim saw that there was no use in further denying 
the authorship. 

" Well," he said, throwing back his head, " what are you 
going to do about it ? " 

This Tweed-hke attitude rather nettledjtne, and I resented it 
on the spot. 

"I'll teU you what I am going to do about it," I repHed, " and 
you know that I will be able to carry out my threats. Either you 
stop stirring up anti-American feeling in Turkey or I shall start 
a campaign of anti-German sentiment here. 

" You know. Baron," I added, " that you Germans are 
skating on very thin ice in this country. You know that the 
Turks don't love you any too well. In fact, you know that 
Americans are more popular here than you are. Supposing that 



Wangenheim and the Bethlehem Steel Company 105 

I go out, tell the Turks how you arc simply using them for your 
own benefit — that you do not really regard them as your allies, 
but merely as pawns in the game which you.,are playing. Now, 
in stirring up anti- American feeling here you are touching my 
softest spot. You are exposing our educational and religious 
institutions to the attacks of the Turks. No one knows what 
they may do if they are persuaded that their relatives are being 
shot down by American bullets. You stop this at once, or in 
tliree weeks I will fill the whole of Turkey with animosity toward 
the Germans. It will be a battle between us, and I am ready 
for it." 

Wangenheim 's attitude changed at once. He turned round, 
put his arm on my shoulder, and assumed his most conciliatory, 
almost affectionate, manner. 

" Come, let us be friends," he said. " I see that you are right 
about this. I see that such attacks might injure your friends 
the missionaries. I promise you that they will be stopped." 

From that day the Turkish Press never made the slightest 
unfriendly allusion to the United States. The abruptness with 
which the attacks stopped showed me that the Germans had 
evidently extended to Turkey one of the most cherished ex- 
pedients of the Fatherland — absolute Government control of the 
Press. But when I think of the infamous plots which Wangen- 
heim was instigating at that moment, liis objection to the use of 
a few American shells by EngHsh battleships— if EngUsh battle- 
sliips used any such shells, which I seriously doubt — seems 
almost grotesque. In the early days Wangenhsim had explained 
to me one of Germany's main purposes in forcing Turkey into the 
conflict. He made this explanation quietly and nonchalantly, 
as though it had been quite the most ordinary matter in the 
world. Sitting in his office, pufhng away at his big black German 
cigar, he unfolded Germany's scheme to arouse the whole 
fanatical Moslem world against the Christians. Germany had 
planned a real " holy war " as one means of destroying English 
and French influence in the world. " Turkey herself is not the 
reaUy important matter," said Wangenheim. " Her army is a 
small one, and we do not expect it to do very much. For the 
most part it will act on the defensive. But the big thing is the 
Moslem world. If we can stir the Mohammedans up against the 
English and Russians we can force them to make peace." 

What Wangenheim evidently meant by the " big thing " 
became apparent on November 13th, when the Sultan issued his 
declaration f war. This declaration was reaUy an appeal for a 
Jihad, or a " Holy War " against the infidel. Soon afterward 



io6 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

the Sheik-ul-Islam published his proclamation, summoning the 
whole Moslem world to arise and massacre their Cliristian 
oppressors. " O Moslems ! " concluded this document, " Ye 
who are smitten with happiness and are on the verge of sacrificing 
your Ufe and your goods for the cause of right, and of braving 
perils, gather now around the Imperial throne, obey the com- 
mands of the Almighty, who, in the Koran, promises us bliss in 
this and in the next world ; embrace ye the foot of the CaHph's 
throne, and know ye that the State is at war with Russia, England, 
France, and their allies, and that these are the enemies of Islam. 
The Chief of the believers, the CaUph, invites you all as Moslems 
to join in the Holy War ! " 

The religious leaders read this proclamation to their as- 
sembled congregations in the mosques ; all the newspapers 
printed it conspicuously ; it was spread broadcast in all the 
countries which had large Mohammedan populations — India, 
China, Persia, Egypt, Algeria, Tripoh, Morocco, and the hke. In 
all these places it was read to the assembled multitudes and the 
populace was exhorted to obey the mandate. The Ikdam, the 
Turkish newspaper which had passed into German ownership, 
was constantly inciting the masses. " The deeds of our enemies," 
wrote this Turco-German editor, " have brought down the wrath 
of God. A gleam of hope has appeared. All Mohammedans, 
young and old, men, women, and children, must fulfil their duty 
so that the gleam may not fade away, but give light to us forever. 
How many great things can be accomplished by the arms of 
vigorous men, by the aid of others, of women and children ! 
. . . The time for action has come. We shall all have to fight 
with all our strength, with all our soul, with teeth and nails, with 
all the sinews of our bodies and of our spirits. If we do it, the 
deliverance of the subjected Mohammedan kingdoms is assured. 
Then, if God so wills, we shall march unashamed by the side of 
our friends who send their greetings to the Crescent. Allah is our 
aid and the Prophet is our support." 

The Sultan's proclamation was an official pubhc document, 
and dealt with the proposed Holy War only in a general way, but 
about this same time a secret pamphlet appeared which gave 
instructions to the faithful in more specific terms. This paper 
was not read in the mosques ; it was distributed stealthily in all 
Mohammedan countries — India, Egypt, Morocco, Syria, and 
many others — and it was significantly printed in Arabic, the 
language of the Koran. It was a lengthy document — the English 
translation contains 10,000 words — full of quotations from the 
Koran, and its style was frenzied in its appeal to racial and 



Wangenheim and the Bethlehem Steel Company 107 

religious hatred. It described a detailed^plan of operations for 
the assassination and extermination of all Christians — except 
those of German nationahty. A few extracts will fairly portray 
its spirit : " Oh ! people of the faith and Oh ! beloved Moslems, 
consider, even though but for a brief moment, the present condi- 
tion of the Islamic world. For if you consider this but for a 
little you will weep long. You will behold a bewildering state 
of affairs which will cause the tear to fall and the fire of grief to 
blaze. You see the great country of India, which contains 
hundreds of milhons of Moslems, fallen, because of religious 
divisions and weaknesses, into the grasp of the enemies of God, 
the infidel EngUsh. You see forty millions of Moslems in Java 
shackled by the chains of captivity and of affliction under the 
rule of the Dutch, although these infidels are much fewer in 
number than the faithful and do not enjoy a much higher 
civihsation. You see Egypt, Morocco, Tunis, Algeria, and the 
Sudan suffering the extremes of pain and groaning in the grasp 
of the enemies of God and His apostle. You see the vast country 
of Siberia and Turkestan, and Khiva and Bokhara, and the 
Caucasus and the Crimea, and Kazan and Ezferhan and Kosa- 
hastan, whose Moslem peoples believe in the unity of God, ground 
under the feet of their oppressors, who are the enemies already of 
our reUgion. You behold Persia being prepared for partition, 
and you see the city of the CaUphate, which for ages has un- 
ceasingly fought breast to breast with the enemies of our religion, 
now become the target for oppression and violence. Thus, 
wherever you look, you see that the enemies of the true reUgion, 
particularly the Enghsh, the Russian, and the French, have 
oppressed Islam and invaded its rights in every possible way. 
We cannot enumerate the insults we have received at the hands 
of these nations who desire totally to destroy Islam and drive all 
Mohammedans off the face of the earth. This tyranny has 
passed all endurable limits ; the cup of our oppression is fvill to 
overflowing. ... In brief, the Moslems work and the infidels 
eat, the Moslems are hungry and suffer and the infidels gorge 
themselves and Hve in luxury. The world of Islam sinks down 
and goes backward, and the Christian world goes forward and is 
more and more exalted. The Moslems are enslaved and the 
infidels are the great rulers. This is all because the Moslems have 
abandoned the plan set forth in the Koran and ignored the Holy 
War which it commands. . . . But the time has now come for 
the Holy War, and by this the land of Islam shall be forever freed 
from the power of the infidels who oppress it. This Holy War 
has now become a sacred duty. Know ye that the blood of 



io8 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

infidels in the Islamic lands may be shed with impunity — except 
those to whom the Moslem power has promised security and who 
are allied with it. [Herein we find that Germans and Austrians 
are excepted from massacre.] The killing of infidels who rule over 
Islam has become a sacred duty, whether you do it secretly or 
openly. As the Koran has decreed : ' Take them and kill them 
whenever you find them. Behold we have delivered them unto 
your hands and given you supreme power over them.' He who 
kills even one unbeliever of those who rule over us, whether he 
does it secretly or openly, shall be rewarded by God. And let 
every Moslem, in whatever part of the world he may be, swear a 
solemn oath to kill at least three or four of the infidels who rule 
over him, for they are the enemies of God and of the faith. Let 
every Moslem know that his reward for doing so shall be doubled 
by the God who created heaven and earth. A Moslem who does 
this shall be saved from the terrors of the Day of Judgment, of 
the resurrection of the dead. Who is the man who can refuse such 
a recompense for such a small deed ? . . . Yet the time has come 
that we should rise up as the rising of one man ; in one hand a 
sword, in the other a gun, in his pocket balls of fire and death- 
deaHng missiles, and in his heart the light of the faith, and that 
we should lift up our voices, saying — India for the Indian 
Moslems, Java for the Javanese Moslems, Algeria for the Algerian 
Moslems, Morocco for the Moroccan Moslems, Tunis for the 
Tunisan Moslems, Egypt for the Egyptian Moslems, Iran for the 
Iranian Moslems, Turan for the Turanian Moslems, Bokhara for 
the Bokharan Moslems, Caucasus for the Caucasian Moslems, and 
the Ottoman Empire for the Ottoman Turks and Arabs." 

Specific instructions for carrjdng out this holy purpose 
follow. There shall be a " heart war " — every follower of the 
Prophet, that is, shall constantly nourish in his spirit a hatred of 
the infidel ; a " speech war " — with tongue and pen every 
Moslem shall spread this same hatred wherever Mohammedans 
live'; and a war of deed — fighting and killing the infidel wherever 
he shows his head. This latter conflict, says the pamphlet, is 
the " true war." There is to be a " little holy war " and a 
" great holy war " ; the first describes the battle which every 
Mohammedan is to wage in his community against his Christian 
neighbours, and the second is the great world-struggle' which 
united Islam, in India, Arabia, Turkey, Africa, and other 
countries, is to wage against the infidel oppressors. " The Holy 
War," says the pamplilet, " will be of three forms. First the 
individual war, which consists of the individual personal deed. 
This may be carried on with cutting, killing instruments, like the 



Wangenheim and the Bethlehem Steel Company 109 

Holy War which one of the faithful made against Peter Galy, the 
infidel Enghsh governor, like the slaying of the English chief of 
police in India, and like the killing of one of the officials arriving 
in Mecca by Abi Busir (may God be pleased with him)." The 
document gives several other instances of assassination which the 
faithful are enjoined to imitate. The believers are told to 
organise " bands," and to go forth and slay Christians. The 
most useful are those organised and operating in secret. " It is 
hoped that the Islamic world of to-day will profit very greatly 
from such secret bands." The third method is by " organised 
campaigns," that is, by trained armies. 

In all parts of this incentive to murder and assassination there 
are indications that a German hand has exercised an editorial 
supervision. Only those infidels are to be slain " who rule over 
us " — that is, those who have Mohammedan subjects. As 
Germany has no such subjects this saving clause was expected to 
protect Germans from assault. The Germans, with their usual 
interest in their own well-being and their usual disregard of their 
ally, evidently overlooked the fact that Austria had many 
Mohammedan subjects in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Moslems 
are instructed that they should form armies, " even though it 
may be necessary to introduce some foreign elements " — that is, 
bring in German instructors and German officers. " You must 
remember " — this is evidently intended as a blanket protection 
to Germans ever3rwhere — " that it is absolutely unlawful to 
oppose any of the peoples of other religions between whom and 
the Moslems there is a covenant, or those who have not mani- 
fested hostiUty to the seat of the Caliphate, or those who have 
entered under the protection of the Moslems." 

Even though I had not had Wangenheim 's personal statement 
that the Germans intended to arouse the Mohammedans every- 
where against England, France, and Russia, these interpolations 
would clearly enough have indicated the real inspiration of this 
amazing document. At the time Wangenheim discussed the 
matter with me his chief idea seemed to be that a " Holy War " 
of this sort would be the quickest means of forcing England to 
make peace. According to this point of view, it was really a 
great peace offensive. At that time Wangenheim reflected the 
conviction, which was prevalent in all official circles, that Ger- 
many had made a mistake in bringing England into the conflict, 
and it was evidently liis idea now that if back-fires could be 
started against England in India, Egypt, the Sudan, and other 
places, the British Empire would withdraw. Even if British 
Mohammedans refused to rise, Wangenheim believed that the 



no Secrets of the Bosphorus 

mere threat of such an uprising would induce England to abandon 
Belgium and France to their fate. The danger of spreading such 
incendiary literature among a wildly fanatical people is apparent. 
I was not the only neutral diplomat who feared the most serious 
consequences. M. Tocheff, the Bulgarian Minister, one of the 
ablest members of the diplomatic corps, was much disturbed. 
At that time Bulgaria was neutral, and M. Tocheff used to tell me 
that his country hoped to maintain this neutrality. Each side, 
he said, expected that Bulgaria would become its ally, and it was 
Bulgaria's policy to keep each side in this expectant frame of 
mind. Should Germany succeed in starting a " Holy War," and 
should massacres result, Bulgaria, added M. Tocheff, would 
certainly join forces with the Entente. 

We arranged that he should call upon Wangenheim and 
repeat this statement, and that I should bring similar pressure to 
bear upon Enver. From the first, however, the " Holy War " 
proved a failure. The Mohammedans of such countries as India, 
Egypt, Algeria, and Morocco knew that they were getting far 
better treatment than they could obtain under any other con- 
ceivable conditions. Moreover, the simple-minded Mohamme- 
dans could not understand why they should prosecute a holy war 
against Christians and at the same time have Christian nations, 
such as Germany and Austria, as their partners. This association 
made the whole proposition ridiculous. The Koran, it is true, 
commands the slaughter of Christians, but that sacred volume 
makes no exception in favour of the Germans, and, in the mind of 
the fanatical Mohammedan, a German rayah is as much Christian 
dirt as'an Englishman or a Frenchman, and his massacre is just as 
meritorious an act. The fine distinctions necessitated by 
European diplomacy he understands about as completely as he 
understands the law of gravitation or the nebular hypothesis. 
The German failure to take this into account is only another 
evidence of the fundamental German clumsiness and real ignor- 
ance of the world situation. The only tangible fact that stands 
out clearly is the Kaiser's desire t^ let loose 300,000,000 Mo- 
hammedans in a gigantic St. Bartholomew massacre of Christians. 

Was there, then, no " Holy War " at all ? Did Wangenheim 's 
" big thing " really fail ? Whenever I think of this burlesque 
" Jihad " a particular scene in the American Embassy comes to 
my mind. On one sidejof the table sits Enver, most peacefully 
sipping tea and eating cakes, and on the other side is myself, 
engaged in the same unwarlike occupation. It is November 14th, 
the day after the Sultan has declared his Holy War ; there have 
been meetings at the mosques and other places, at which the 



Wangenheim and the Bethlehem Steel Company m 

declaration has been read and fiery speeches made. Enver now 
assures me that absolutely no harm will come to Americans ; in 
fact, that there will be no massacres anyway. While he is 
talking, one of my secretaries comes in and tells me that a little 
mob is making demonstrations against certain foreign establish- 
ments. It has assailed an Austrian shop which has unwisely 
kept up its sign saying that it has " English clothes " for sale. 
I ask Enver what this means ; he answers that it is all a mistake, 
there is no intention of attacking anybody. A little while after 
he leaves I am informed that the mob has attacked the Bon 
Marche, a French dry-goods store, and is heading directly for the 
British Embassy. I at once call Enver on the telephone ; it is 
aU right, he says, nothing will happen to the Embassy. A 
minute or two after, the mob immediately wheels about and 
starts for Tokatlians, the most important restaurant in Con- 
stantinople. The fact that this is conducted by an Armenian 
makes it fair game. Six men who have poles, with hooks at the 
end, break all the mirrors and windows, others take the marble 
tops of the tables and smash them to bits. In a few minutes the 
place has been completely gutted. 

This demonstration comprised the " Holy War," so far as 
Constantinople understood it. Such was the inglorious end of 
Germany's attempt to arouse 300,000,000 Mohammedans against 
the Christian world ! Only one definite result did the Kaiser 
accomplish by spreading this inciting literature. It aroused in 
the Mohammedan soul all that intense hatred of the Christian 
which is the fundamental fact in his strange emotional nature, 
and thus started passions aflame that afterward spent themselves 
in the massacres of the Armenians and other subject peoples. 



CHAPTER XV 

DJEMAL, A TROUBLESOME MARK ANTONY — AN EARLY GERMAN 
ATTEMPT TO GET A GERMAN PEACE 

In early November, 19 14, the railroad station at Haidar Pasha 
was the scene of a great demonstration. Djemal, the Minister 
of Marine, one of the three men who were then most powerful in 
the Turkish Empire, was leaving to take command of the Fourth 
Turkish Army, which had its headquarters in Syria. All the 
members of the Cabinet and other influential people in Con- 
stantinople assembled to give this departing satrap an en- 
thusiastic farewell. They hailed him as the " Saviour of Egypt," 
and Djemal himself, just before his train started, made this 
pubhc declaration : 

" I shall not return to Constantinople until I have conquered 
Egypt ! " 

The whole performance seemed to me to be somewhat 
bombastic. Inevitably I called to mind the third member of 
another bloody triumvirate who, nearly two thousand years 
before, had left his native land to become the supreme dictator of 
the East. And Djemal had many characteristics in common with 
Mark Antony. Like his Roman predecessor, his private life was 
profligate ; like Antony, he was an insatiate gambler, spending 
much of his leisure over the card-table at the Cercle d'Orient. 
Another trait which he had in common with the great Roman 
orator was his enormous vanity. The Turkish world seemed to 
be disintegrating in Djemal's time, just as the Roman Republic 
was dissolving in the days of Antony. Djemal believed that he 
might himself become the heir of one or more of its provinces and 
possibly establish a dynasty. He expected that the military 
expedition on which he was now starting would not only make him 
the conqueror of Turkey's fairest province, but make him one of 
the powerful figures of the world. Afterward, in Syria, he ruled 
as independently as a medieval robber baron, whom in other 
details he resembled ; he became a kind of sub-sultan, holding 
his own court, having his own selamHk, issuing his orders, dis- 
pensing freely his own kind of justice, and often disregarding the 
authorities at Constantinople. 

The applause^ with which Djemal's associates were speeding 




Enver Pasha, ^linister of War. 




'['•■h,-,) i>i^i.-. r:.-.M,i \ i/i,.,- 




'Bustany Eifendi, ex-Minister of Commerce and 
Agriculture in tlie Turkish Cabinet. 




Djemal Pasha, Minister of Marine. 



A Troublesome Mark Antony 113 

his departure was not entirely disinterested. The fact was that 
most of them were exceedingly glad to see him go. He had been 
a thorn in the side of Talaat and Enver for some time, and they 
were perfectly content that he should exercise his imperious and 
stubborn nature against the Syrians, Armenians, and other non- 
. Moslem elements in the Mediterranean provinces. Djemal was 
not a popular man in Constantinople. The other members of the 
triumvirate, in addition to their less desirable qualities, had 
certain attractive traits — Talaat his rough virility and spon- 
taneous good nature, Enver his courage and personal graciousness 
— but there was little about Djemal that was pleasing. An 
American physician who had specialised in the study of phy- 
siognomy had found Djemal a fascinating subject. He told me 
that he had never seen a face that so combined ferocity with great 
power and penetration. Enver, as his history showed, could be 
cruel and bloodthirsty, but he hid his more insidious qualities 
under a face that was bland, unruffled, and even agreeable. 
Djemal, however, did not disguise his tendencies, for his face 
clearly pictured the inner soul. His eyes were black and pierc- 
ing ; their sharpness, the rapidity and keenness with which they 
darted from one object to another, taking in apparently every- 
thing with a few lightning-like glances, signalised cunning, 
remorselessness, and selfishness to an extreme degree. Even his 
laugh, which disclosed all his white teeth, was unpleasant and 
animal-like. His black hair and black beard, contrasting with 
his pale face, only heightened this impression. At first, Djemal's 
figure seemed somewhat insignificant — he was undersized, 
almost stumpy, and somewhat stoop-shouldered ; as soon as he 
began to move, however, it was evident that his body was full of 
energy. Whenever he shook your hand, gripping you with a 
vice-Uke grasp and looking at you with those roving, penetrating 
eyes, the man's personal force became impressive. 

Yet, after a momentary meeting, I was not surprisedto hear 
that Djemal was a man with whom assassination and judicial 
murder were all part of the day's work. Like all the Young 
Turks, his origin had been extremely humble. He had joined 
the Committee of Union and Progress in the early days, and his 
personal power, as well as his relentlessness, had rapidly made 
him one of the leaders. After the murder of Nazim, Djemal had 
become Military Governor of Constantinople, his chief duty in 
this post being to remove from the scene the opponents of the 
ruling powers. This congenial task he performed with great 
skill, and the reign of terror that resulted was largely Djemal's 
handiwork. Subsequently Djemal became Minister of Marine, 
I I 



114 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

but he could not work harmoniously in the Cabinet ; he was 
always a troublesome partner. In the days preceding the break 
with the Entente he was popularly regarded as a Francophile. 
Whatever feeling Djemal may have entertained toward the 
Entente, he made little attempt to conceal his detestation of the 
Germans. It is said that he would swear at them in their presence 
— ^in Turkish, of course — and he was one of the few important 
Turkish officials who never came under their influence. The 
fact was that Djemal represented that tendency which was 
rapidly gaining the ascendancy in Turkish policy — Pan-Turkism. 
He despised the subject peoples of the Ottoman country — ^Arabs, 
Greeks, Armenians, Circassians, Jews ; his ambition was to 
Turkify the whole Empire. His personal ambition brought him 
into frequent conflict with Enver and Talaat ; they told me many 
times that they could not control him. It was for this reason 
that, as I have said, they were glad to see him go — not that they 
really expected him to capture the Suez Canal and drive out the 
English. Incidentally this appointment fairly indicated the 
incongruous organisation that then existed in Turkey. As 
Minister of Marine, Djemal's real place was at the navy depart- 
ment ; instead of that, the head of the navy was sent to lead an 
army over the burning sands of Syria and Sinai. 

Yet DjemaFs expedition represented Turkey's most spec- 
tacular attempt to assert its military power against the Allies. 
As Djemal moved out of the station, the whole Turkish populace 
felt that an historic moment had arrived. Turkey in less than a 
century had lost the greater part of her dominions, and nothing 
had more pained the national pride than the English occupation 
of Egypt. All during this occupation, Turkish suzerainty had 
been recognised ; as soon as Turkey declared war on Great 
Britain, however, the British had ended this fiction and had 
formally taken over this great province. Djemal's expedition 
was Turkey's reply to this act of England. The real purpose of 
the war, the Turkish people had been told, was to restore the 
vanishing empire of the Osmans, and to this great undertaking 
the recovery of Egypt was merely the first step. The Turks also 
knew that, under English administration, Egypt had become a 
prosperous covmtry, and that it would, therefore, yield great 
treasure to the conqueror. It is no wonder that the huzzahs of 
the Turkish people followed the departing Djemal. 

About the same time, Enver left to take command of Turkey's 
other great military enterprise — the attack on Russia through the 
Caucasus. Here also were Turkish provinces to be " redeemed." 
After the war of 1878, Turkey had been compelled to cede to 



A Troublesome Mark Antony 115 

Russia certain rich territories between the Caspian and the Black 
Sea, inhabited chiefly by Armenians, and it was this country 
which Enver now proposed to reconquer. But Enver had no 
ovation on his leaving. He went away quietly and unobserved. 
With the departure of these two men the war was now fairly on. 

Despite these martial enterprises, other than warhke prepara- 
tions were now under way in Constantinople. At that time — 
in the latter part of 1914 — its external characteristics suggested 
nothing but war, yet now it suddenly became the great head- 
quarters of peace. The English fleet was constantly threatening 
the Dardanelles, and every day Turkish troops were passing 
through the streets. Yet these activities did not chiefly engage 
the attention of the German Embassy. Wangenheim was 
thinking of one thing, and one thing only ; this fire-eating German 
suddenly became a man of peace. For he now learned that the 
greatest service which a German Ambassador could render his 
Emperor would be to end the war on terms that would save 
Germany from exhaustion, and even from ruin ; to obtain a 
settlement that would reintroduce his Fatherland to the society 
of nations. 

In November Wangenheim began discussing this subject. It 
was part of Germany's system, he told me, not only to be com- 
pletely prepared for war, but also for peace. " A wise general, 
when he begins his campaign, always has at hand his plans for a 
retreat, in case he is defeated," said the German Ambassador. 
" This principle applies just the same to a nation beginning war. 
There is only one certainty about war — and that is that it must 
end some time. So, when we plan war, we must consider also a 
campaign for peace." 

But Wangenheim was interested then in something more 
tangible than this philosophic principle. Germany had im- 
mediate reasons for desiring the end of hostilities, and Wangen- 
heim discussed them frankly and cynically. He said that 
Germany had prepared for only a short war because she had 
expected to crush France and Russia in two brief campaigns, 
lasting not longer than six months. Clearly this plan had failed, 
and there was little hkeUhood that Germany would win the war. 
Wangenheim told me this in so many words. Gennany, he added, 
would make a great mistake if she persisted in fighting the war to 
exhaustion, for such a fight would mean the permanent loss of 
her colonies, her mercantile marine, and her whole economic and ^ 
commercial status. " If we don't get Paris in thirty days, we 
are beaten," Wangenheim had told me in August, and, though his 
attitude changed somewhat after the battle of the Marne, he made 



ii6 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

no attempt to conceal the fact that the great rush campaign had 
collapsed, that all the Germans could now look forward to was a 
tedious, exhausting war, and that all which they could obtain 
from the existing situation would be a drawn battle. " We have 
made a mistake this time," Wangenheim said, " in not laying in 
supphes for a protracted struggle ; it was an error, however, that 
we shall not repeat ; next time we shall store up enough copper 
and cotton to last for five years." 

Wangenheim had another reason for wishing an immediate 
peace, and it was a reason which shed much light upon the 
shamelessness of German diplomacy. The preparation which 
Turkey was making for the conquest of Egypt caused this 
German Ambassador much annoyance and anxiety. The 
interest and energy which the Turks had manifested in tliis 
enterprise were particularly causing him concern. Naturally I 
thought at first that Wangenheim was worried that Turkey 
would lose, yet he confided to me that his real fear was that 
their ally would succeed. A victorious Turkish campaign in 
Egypt, Wangenheim explained, might seriously interfere with 
Germany's plans. Should Turkey conquer Egypt, naturally 
Turkey would insist at the peace table on retaining this great 
province, and would expect Germany to support her in this claim. 
But Germany had no intention then of promoting the re- 
estabhshment of the Turkish Empire. At that time she hoped to 
reach an understanding with England, the basis of which was to 
be something in the nature of a division of interests in the East. 
Germany desired above all te obtain Mesopotamia as an in- 
dispensable part of her Hamburg-Bagdad scheme. In return for 
this, she was prepared to give her endorsement to England's 
annexation of Egypt. Thus it was Germany's plan at that time 
that she and England should divide Turkey's two fairest do- 
minions. This was one of the proposals which Germany intended 
to bring forth in the peace conference which Wangenheim was 
now scheming for, and clearly Turkey's conquest of Egypt would 
have presented comphcations in the way of carrjdng out this 
plan. On the morahty of Germany's attitude to her ally, 
Turkey, it is hardly necessary to comment. The whole thing was 
all of a piece with Germany's pohcy of " reahsm " in foreign 
relations. 

Nearly all German classes, in the latter part of 19 14 and the 
early part of 1915, were anxiously looking for peace, and they 
turned to Constantinople as the most promising spot where 
peace negotiations might most favourably be started. The 
Germans took it for granted that President Wilson would be the 







1-S 



a 

'Jl 



ip-i ^ 



J!5 

'3 
o 



"^ 







Bedri Bey, Prefect of Police at Constantinople. 




Ti.lai.t and von Kuhlmaiin. 



A Troublesome Mark Antony 117 

peacemaker ; indeed, they never for a moment thought of anyone 
else in this capacity. The only point that remained for con- 
sideration was the best way to approach the President. Such 
negotiations would most hkely be conducted through one of the 
American Ambassadors in Europe. Obviously Germany had no 
means of access to the A merican Ambassadors in the great enemy 
capitals, and other circumstances induced them to turn to the 
American Ambassador in Turkey. 

At this time a German diplomat appeared in Constantinople 
who has figured much in recent history — Dr. Richard von 
Kiihlmann, at present Minister for Foreign Affairs. In the last 
five years Dr. von Kiihlmann has seemed to appear in that 
particular part of the world where important confidential 
diplomatic negotiations are being conducted by the German 
Empire. Prince Lichnowsky has recently described his activities 
in London in 1913 and 1914, and he has figured even more 
conspicuously in the recent peace treaty of Brest-Litovsk. Soon 
after the war started, Dr. von Kiihlmann came to Constantinople 
as Conseiller of the German Embassy, succeeding von Mutius, 
who had been called to the Colours. For one reason his appoint- 
ment was appropriate, for Kiihlmann had been born in Con- 
stantinople, and had spent his early life there, his father having 
been president of the Anatolian railway. He therefore under- 
i stood the Turks as only a man can who has lived with them for 
' many years. Personally he proved to be an interesting addition 
to the diplomatic colony. He impressed me as not a particularly 
i aggressive, but a very entertaining, man ; he apparently wished 
to become friendly with the American Embassy, and he possessed 
a certain attraction for us all, as he had just come from the 
trenches and gave us many vivid pictures of life at the front. At 
that time we were all keenly interested in modem warfare, and 
Kiihlmann 's details of trench fighting held us spellbound many 
an afternoon and evening. His other favourite topic of conversa- 
tion was Welt-Politik, and on all foreign matters he struck me as 
remarkably well-informed. At that time we did not regard von 
Kiihlmann as an important man, yet the industry with which he 
attended to his business arrested everyone's attention even then. 
Soon, however, I began to have a feeling that he was exerting a 
powerful influence in a quiet, velvety kind of way. He said 
little, but I reaUsed that he was listening to everything and 
storing all kinds of information away in his mind. He was 
apparently Wangenheim's closest confidant, and the man upon 
whom the Ambassador was depending for his contact with the 
German Foreign Office. About the middle of December Von 



ttS Secrets of the Bosphonis 

Kiihlmann left for Berlin, where he stayed about two weeks. On 
his return, in the early part of January, 1915, there was a notice- 
able change in the atmosphere of the German Embassy. Up to 
that time Wangenheim had discussed peace negotiations more or 
less informally, but now he took up the matter specifically. I 
gathered that Kiihlmann had been called to Berlin to receive all 
the latest details on this subject, and that he had come back with 
the definite instructions that Wangenheim should move at once. 
In all my talks with the German Ambassador on peace Kiihlmann 
was always hovering in the background ; at one most important 
conference he was present, though he participated hardly at all 
in the conversation, but his role, as usual, was that of a sub- 
ordinate and quietly eager listener. 

Wangenheim now informed me that January, 1915, would 
be an excellent time to end the war. Italy had not yet entered, 
though there was every reason to believe that she would do so by 
spring. Bulgaria and Rumania were still holding aloof, though 
no one expected that their waiting attitude would last for ever. 
France and England were preparing for the first of the " spring 
offensives," and the Germans had no assurance that it would not 
succeed ; indeed, they much feared that the German armies 
would meet disaster. The British and French warships were 
gathering at the Dardanelles, and the German General Staff 
and practically all military and naval experts in Constantinople 
believed that the Allied fleets could force their way through and 
capture the city. Most Turks by this time were sick of the war, 
and Germany always had in mind that Turkey would make a 
separate peace. Afterward I discovered that whenever the 
military situation looked ominous to Germany she was always 
thinking about peace, but that if the situation improved she 
would immediately become warlike again ; it was a case of sick- 
devil, weU-devil. Yet, badly as Wangenheim wanted peace in 
January, 1915, it was quite apparent that he was not thinking of 
a permanent peace. The greatest obstacle to peace at that time 
was the fact that Germany showed no signs that she regretted 
her crimes, and there was not the slightest evidence of the 
sackcloth in Wangenheim 's attitude now. Germany had made a 
bad guess, that was all. What Wangenheim and the other 
Germans saw in the situation was that their stock of wheat, 
cotton, and copper was inadequate for a protracted struggle. In 
my notes of my conversations with Wangenheim I find him 
frequently using such phrases as the " next war," " next time," 
and, in confidently looking forward to another greater world 
cataclysm than the present, he merely reflected the attitude of 



A Troublesome Mark Antony 119 

the dominant junker-military class. The Germans apparently 
wanted a reconciliation — a kind of an armistice — that would give 
their generals and industrial leaders time to prepare for the next 
conflict. At that time, nearly four years ago, Germany was 
moving for practically the same kind of peace negotiations which 
she has suggested many times since and is suggesting now. 
Wangenheim's plan was that representatives of the warring 
Powers should gather around a table and settle things on the 
principle of " give and take." He said that there was no sense 
in demanding that each side state its terms in advance. 

" For both sides to state their terms in advance would ruin 
the whole thing," he said. " What would we do ? Germany, of 
course, would make claims that the other side would regard as 
ridiculously extravagant. The Entente would state terms that 
would put all Germany in a rage. As a result, both sides would 
get so angry that there would be no conference. No — if we really 
want to end this war we must have an armistice. Once we stop 
fighting, we shall not go at it again. History presents no instance 
in a great war where an armistice has not resulted in peace. It 
will be so in tliis case." 

Yet, from Wangenheim's conversation I did obtain a shght 
inkling of Germany's terms. The matter of Egypt and Meso- 
potamia, set forth above, was one of them. Wangenheim was 
quite insistent that Germany must have permanent naval bases 
in Belgium with which her navy could at all times threaten 
England with blockade, and so make sure " the freedom of the 
seas." Germany wanted coaling rights everywhere ; this demand 
looks absurd, because Germany has always possessed such rights 
in peace times. She might give France a piece of Lorraine and 
a part of Belgium — perhaps Brussels — in return for the payment 
of an indemnity. 

Wangenheim requested that I should place Germany's case 
before the American Government. My letter to Washington is 
dated January, 1915. It went fully into the internal situation 
which then prevailed and gave the reasons why Germany and 
Turkey desired peace. 

A particularly interesting part of this incident was that 
Germany was apparently ignoring Austria. Pallavicini, the 
Austrian Ambassador, knew nothing of the pending negotiations 
until I myself informed him of them. In thus ignoring his ally, 
the German Ambassador meant no personal disrespect ; ; he was 
merely treating him precisely as his Foreign Office was treating 
Vienna — not as an equal, but practically as a retainer. The 
world is familiar enough with Germany's military and diplomatic 



120 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

absorption of Austria-Hungary. But that Wangenheim should 
have made so important amove as to attempt peace negotiations, 
and have left it to Pallavicini to learn about it through a third 
party, shows that, as far back as January, 1915, the Austro- 
Hungarian Empire had ceased to be an independent nation. 

Nothing came of this proposal, of course. Our Government 
decHned to take action, evidently not regarding the time as 
opportune. Both Germany and Turkey, as I shall tell, recurred 
to this subject afterward. This particular negotiation ended in 
the latter part of March, when Kiihlmann left Constantinople to 
become Minister at The Hague. He came and paid his farewell 
call at^the American Embassy, as chaiTning, as entertaining, and 
as debonair as ever. His last words, as he shook my hand and 
left the building, were — subsequent events have naturally caused 
me^to remember them : 

" We shall have peace within three months, Excellency ! " 
This little scene took place and this happy forecast was made 
in March, 1915 ! 



CHAPTER XVI 

THE TURKS PREPARE TO FLEE FROM CONSTANTINOPLE AND 

ESTABLISH A NEW CAPITAL IN ASIA MINOR — THE ALLIED FLEET 

BOMBARDING THE DARDANELLES 

Probably one thing that stimulated this German desire for 
peace was the situation at the Dardanelles. In esLvly January, 
when Wangenheim persuaded me to write my letter to Washing- 
ton, Constantinople was in a state of the utmost excitement. It 
was reported that the Allies had assembled a fleet of forty war- 
ships at the mouth of the Dardanelles and that they intended to 
attempt the forcing of the strait. What made the situation 
particularly tense was the belief, which then generally prevailed 
in Constantinople, that such an attempt would succeed. Wangen- 
heim shared this belief, and so, in a modified form, did von der 
Goltz, who probably knew as much about the Dardanelles 
defences as any other man, as he had for years been Turkey's 
military instructor. I find in my diary von der Goltz's precise 
opinion on this point as reported to me by Wangenheim, and I 
quote it exactly as written at that time : " Although he thought 
it was almost impossible to force the Dardanelles, still, if England 
thought it an important move of the general war, they could, by 
sacrificing ten ships, force the entrance, and do it very fast, and 
be up in the Marmora within ten hours from the time they 
forced it." 

The very day that Wangenheim gave me this expert opinion 
of von der Goltz, he asked me to store several cases of his valu- 
ables in the American Embassy. Evidently he was making 
preparations for his own departure. 

Reading the Cromer Report on the Dardanelles bombard- 
ment, I find that Admiral Sir John Fisher, then First Sea Lord, 
placed the price of success at twelve ships. Evidently von der 
(roltz and Fisher did not differ materially in their estimates. 

The situation of Turkey, when these first rumours of an Allied 

bombardment reached us, was fairly desperate. On all hands 

there were evidences of the fear and panic that had seized not 

only the populace, but the official classes. Calamities from all 

i^ides were apparently closing in on the country. Up to January i, 



122 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

1915, Turkey had done nothing to justify her participation in 
the war ; on the contrary, she had met defeat practically every- 
where. Djemal, as already recorded, had left Constantinople as 
the prospective " Conqueror of Egypt," but his expedition had 
proved to be a bloody and humiliating failure. Enver's attempt 
to redeem the Caucasus from Russian rule had resulted in an even 
more frightful military disaster. He had ignored the advice of 
the Germans, which was to let the Russians advance to Sivas and 
make his stand there, and, instead, he had boldly attempted to 
gain Russian territory in the Caucasus. This army had been 
defeated at every point, but the miUtary reverses did not end its 
sufferings. The Turks had a most inadequate medical or sanitary 
service ; typhus and dysentery broke out in all the camps, the 
deaths from these diseases reaching 100,000 men. Dreadful 
stories were constantly coming in telling of the sufferings of these 
soldiers. That England was preparing an invasion of Mesopo- 
tamia was well known, and no one at that time had any reason to 
beHeve that it would not succeed. Every day the Turks expected 
the news that the Bulgarians had declared war and were marching 
on Constantinople, and they knew that such an attack would 
necessarily bring in Rumania and Greece. It was no diplomatic 
secret that Italy was waiting only for the arrival of warm weather 
to join the Allies. At this moment the Russian fleet was bom- 
barding Trebizond, on the Black Sea, and was daily expected at 
the entrance to the Bosphorus. Meanwhile the domestic situa- 
tion was deplorable ; all over Turkey thousands of the populace 
were daily dying of starvation ; practically all able-bodied men 
had been taken into the army, so that only a few were left to till 
the fields ; the criminal requisitions had almost destroyed all 
business ; the Treasury was in a more exhausted state than 
normally, for the closing of the Dardanelles and the blockading 
of the Mediterranean ports had stopped all imports and customs 
dues ; and the increasing wrath of the people seemed Hkely any 
day to break out against Talaat and his associates. And now, 
surrounded by increasing troubles on every hand, the Turks 
learned that this mighty armada of England and her allies was 
approaching, determined to destroy the defences and capture the 
city. At that time there was no force which the Turks feared so 
greatly as they feared the British fleet. Its tradition of several 
centuries of uninterrupted victories had completely seized their 
imagination. It seemed to them superhuman — the^one over- 
whelming power which it was hopeless to contest. ,, w.' 

Wangenheim and also nearly all of the German military and 
naval forces not only regarded the forcing^of the Dardanelles as 



The Turks Prepare to Flee from Constantinople 123 

possible, but they believed it to be inevitable. The possibility of 
British success was one of the most familiar topics of discussion, 
and the weight of opinion, both lay and professional, inclined in 
favour of the Allied fleets. Talaat told me that an attempt to 
force the strait would succeed — it only depended on England's 
willingness to sacrifice a few ships. The real reason why Turkey 
had sent a force against Egypt, Talaat added, was to divert 
England from making an attack on the Gallipoli Peninsula. The 
state of mind that existed is shown by the fact that on January 
ist the Turkish Government had made preparations for two 
trains, one of which was to take the Sultan and his suite to Asia 
Minor, while the other was intended for Wangenheim, Pallavicini, 
and the rest of the diplomatic corps. On January 2nd I had an 
illuminating talk with Pallavicini. He showed me a certificate 
given him by Bedri, the Prefect of Police, passing him and his 
secretaries and servants on one of these emergency trains. He 
also had seat tickets for himself and all of his suite. He said that 
each train would have only three cars, so that it could make great 
speed ; he had been told to have everything ready to start at an 
hour's notice. Wangenheim made little attempt to conceal his 
apprehensions. He told me that he had made all preparations 
to send his wife to Berhn, and he invited Mrs. Morgenthau to 
accompaoiy her, so that she, too, could be removed from the 
danger zone. Wangenheim showed the fear, which was then 
the prevailing one, that a successful bombardment would lead 
to fires and massacres in Constantinople, as well as in the rest of 
Turkey. In anticipation of such disturbances he made a 
characteristic suggestion. Should the fleet pass the Dardanelles, 
he said, the hfe of no Englishman in Turkey would be safe — they 
would all be massacred. As it was so difficult to tell an English- 
man from an American, he proposed that I should give the 
Americans a distinctive button to wear, which would protect 
them from Turkish violence. As I was convinced that Wangen- 
heim 's real purpose was to arrange some sure means of identifying 
the English, and of so subjecting them to Turkish ill-treatment, 
I refused to act on this amiable suggestion. 

Another incident illustrates the nervous tension which 
prevailed in those January days. As I noticed that some shutters 
at the British Embassy were open, Mrs. Morgenthau and I went 
up to investigate. In the early days we had sealed this building, 
which had been left in my charge, and this was the':'first time we 
had broken the seals to enter. About two hours after we re- 
turned from this tour of inspection, Wangenheim came into my 
ofiice in one of liis now famihar agitated moods. It had been 



124 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

reported, he said, that Mrs. Morgenthau and I had been up to the 
Embassy getting it ready for the British Admiral, who'^expectec} 
soon to take possession ! j } 

All this seems a Uttle absurd now, for, in fact, the Allied fleets 
made no attack at that time. At the very moment when the 
whole of Constantinople was feverishly awaiting the British 
dreadnoughts, the British Cabinet in London was merely con 
sidering the advisability of such an enterprise. The record shows 
that Petrograd, on January 2nd, telegraphed the British Govern 
ment, asking that some kind of a demonstration be made against 
the Turks, who were pressing the Russians in the Caucasus 
Though an encouraging reply was immediately sent to this 
request, it was not until January 28th that the British Cabinet 
definitely issued orders for an attack on the Dardanelles. It is 
no longer a secret that there was no unanimous confidence in the 
success 'of such an undertaking. Admiral Carden recorded his 
beUef that the strait " could not be rushed, but that extended 
operations with a large number of ships might succeed." The 
penalty of failure, he added, would be the great loss that England 
would suffer in prestige and influence in the East ; how true this 
prophecy proved I shall have occasion to show. Up to this time 
one of the fundamental and generally accepted axioms of naval • 
operations had been that warships should not attempt to attack 
fixed land fortifications. But the Germans had demonstrated 
the power of mobile guns against fortresses in their destruction of 
the emplacements at Liege and Namur, and there was a belief in 
some quarters in England that these events had modified this 
naval principle. Mr. Churchill, at that time at the head of the 
Admiralty, placed great confidence in the destructive power of a 
new superdreadnought which had just been finished — the Qiieen 
Elizabeth — and which was then on its way to join the Mediter- 
ranean fleet. 

We in Constantinople knew nothing about these deHberations 
then, but the result became apparent in the latter part of Febru- 
ary. On the afternoon of the 19th, Pallavicini, the Austrian 
Ambassador, came to me with important news. The Marquis 
was a man of great personal dignity, yet it was apparent that he 
was this day exceedingly nervous, and, indeed, he made no 
attempt to conceal his apprehension. The AlHed fleets, he said, 
had reopened their attack on the Dardanelles, and this time their 
bombardment had been extremely ferocious. At that time things 
were going badly for the Austrians : the Russian armies were.j 
advancing victoriously ; Serbia had hurled the Austrians over j 
the frontier, and the European Press was filled with prognostica 



The Turks Prepare to Flee from Constantinople 125 

tions of the break-up of the Austrian Empire. Pallavicini's 
attitude this afternoon was a perfect reflection of the dangers 
I hat were then encompassing his countr3\ He was a sensitive and 
pi oud man — proud of his Emperor and proud of what he regarded 
as the great Austro-Hungarian Empire — and he now appeared to 
be overburdened by the fear that this extensive Hapsburg fabric, 
which had withstood the assaults of so many centuries, was 
rapidly being overwhelmed with ruin. Like most human beings, 
I'allavicini yearned for sympathy ; he could obtain none from 
W'angenheim, who seldom took him into his confidence and 
consistently treated him as the representative of a nation that 
was compelled to submit to the overlordship of Germany. Per-, 
haps that was the reason whj^ the Austrian Ambassador used to 
pi'iur out his heart to me. And now tliis AUied bombardment of 
the Dardanelles came as the culmination of all his troubles. At 
this time the Central Powers beUeved that they had Russia 
bottled up ; that, because they had sealed the Dardanelles, she 
could neither get her wheat to market nor import the munitions 
needed for carrying on the war. Germany and Austria thus had 
a strangle-hold on their gigantic foe, and, if this condition could 
be maintained indefinitely, the collapse of Russia would be 
inevitable. At present, it is true, the Czar's forces were making 
a victorious campaign, and this in itself was sufficiently alarming 
to Austria ; but their present supplies of war materials would 
ultimately be exhausted, and then their great superiority in men 
would help them httle, and they would inevitably go to pieces. 
But should Russia get Constantinople, with the control of the 
Dardanelles and the Bosphorus, she could obtain all the muni- 
tions needed for warfare on the largest scale, and the defeat of 
the Central Powers might immediately follow, and such a 
defeat, Pallavicini well understood, would be far more serious for 
Austria than for Germany. Wangenheim had told me that it 
was Germany's plan, in case the Austro-Hungarian Empire dis- 
integrated, to incorporate her 12,000,000 Germans in the Hohen- 
zollern domain, and Pallavicini, of course, was famihar with this 
danger. The Alhed attack on the Dardanelles ■ thus meant to 
Pallavicini the extinction of his country, for if we are properly to 
understand his state of mind we must remember that he firmly 
beUeved, as did almost all the other important men in Con- 
stantinople, that such an attack would succeed. 

Wangenheim's existence was made miserable by this same 
haunting conviction. As I have already shown, the bottUng-up 
jf Russia was almost exclusively the German Ambassador's 
performance. He had brought the Goeben and the Breslau into 



126 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

Constantinople, and by this manoeuvre had precipitated Turkey 
into the war. The forcing of the strait would mean more than 
the transformation of Russia into a permanent and powerful 
participant in the war ; it meant — and this was by no means an 
unimportant consideration with Wangenheim — the undoing of 
his great personal achievement. Yet Wangenheim showed his 
apprehensions quite differently from Pallavicini. In true 
German fashion, he resorted to threats and bravado. He gave 
no external signs of depression, but his whole body tingled with 
rage. He was not deploring his fate ; he was looking for ways 
of striking back. He would sit in my office, smoking with his 
usual energy, and tell me all the terrible things which he proposed 
to do to his enemy. The thing that particularly preyed upon 
Wangenheim 's mind was the exposed position of the German 
Embassy. It stood on a high hill, one of the most conspicuous 
buildings in the town, a perfect target for an enterprising English 
admiral. Almost the first object the British fleet would sight, as 
it entered the Bosphorus, would be this yellow monument of the 
Hohenzollerns, and the temptation to shell it might prove 
irresistible. 

" Let them dare destroy that Embassy ! " Wangenheim said. 
" I'U get even with them ! If they fire a single shot at it we'll 
blow up the French and the English Embassies ! Go tell the 
Admiral that, won't you ? Tell him also that we have the 
dynamite ready to do it ! " 

Wangenheim also showed great anxiety over the proposed 
removal of the Government to Eski-Shehr. In early January, 
when everyone was expecting the arrival of the Allied fleet, 
preparations had been made for moving the Government to Asia 
Minor ; and now again, at the first rumbling of the British and 
French guns, the special trains were prepared once more. Wan- 
genheim and Pallavicini both told me of their unwillingness to 
accompany the Sultan and the Government to Asia Minor. 
Should the AlUes capture Constantinople, the Ambassadors of the , 
Central Powers would find themselves cut off from their home 
countries and completely in the hands of the Turks. " The 
Turks could then hold us as hostages," said Wangenheim. They 
urged Talaat to establish the emergency Government at Adrian- 
ople, from which town they could motor in and out of Con- 
stantinople, and then, in case the city were captured, they could 
make their escape home. The Turks, on the other hand, refused 
to adopt this suggestion because they feared an attack from 
Bulgaria. Wangenheim and Pallavicini now found themselves 
between two fires. If they stayed in Constantinople they would 



The Turks Prepare to Flee from Constantinople 127 

naturally become prisoners of the English and French ; on the 
other hand, if they went to Eski-Shelir, it was not unlikely that 
they would become prisoners of the Turks. Many evidences of 
the flimsy basis on which rested the German and Turkish alliance 
had come to my attention, but this was about the most illuminat- 
ing. Wangenheim knew, as did everybody else, that, in case the 
French and English captured Constantinople, the Turks would 
vent their rage not mainly against the Entente, but against the 
Germans who had enticed them into the war. 

It all seems so strange now, this conviction that was upper- 
most in the minds of everybody then — that the success of the 
Allied fleets against the Dardanelles was inevitable and that the 
capture of Constantinople was a matter of only a few days. I 
recall an animated discussion that took place at the American 
Embassy on the afternoon of February 24th. The occasion was 
Mrs. Morgenthau's weekly reception— meetings which furnished 
almost the only opportunity in those days for the foregathering 
of the diplomats. Practically all were on hand this afternoon. 
The first great bombardment of the Dardanelles had taken place 
five days before ; this had practically destroyed the fortifications 
at the mouth of the strait. There was naturally only one 
subject of discussion : Would the Allied fleets get through ? 
What would happen if they did ? Everybody expressed an 
opinion, W^angenheim, Pallavicini, Garroni, the Itahan Am- 
bassador, D'Anckarsvard, the Swedish Minister, Koloucheff, the 
Bulgarian Minister, Kiihlmann, and Scharfenberg, First Secre- 
tary of the German Embassy, and it was the unanimous opinion 
that the Allied attack would succeed. I particularly remember 
Kiihlmann's attitude. He discussed the capture of Constan- 
tinople almost as though it was something which had taken place 
already. The Persian Ambassador showed great anxiety ; his 
Embassy stood not far from the Sublime Porte, He told me that 
he feared that the latter building would be bombarded and that 
1 few stray shots might easily set afire his own residence, and he 
isked if he might move his archives to the American Embassy, 
rhe wildest rumours were afloat ; we were told that the Standard 
Dil agent at the Dardanelles had counted seventeen transports 
loaded with troops, that the warships had already fired 800 shots 
md had levelled all the hills at the entrance, and that Talaat's 
bodyguard had been shot — the implication being that the bullet 
had missed its intended victim. It was said that the whole 
Furkish populace was aflame with the fear that the EngUsh and 
the French, when they reached the city, would celebrate the 
jvent by a wholesale attack on Turkish women. The latter 



I2S Secrets of the Bosphorus % 

reports were, of course, absurd ; they were merely characteristic 
rumours set afloat by the Germans and their Turkish associates. 
The fact is that the great mass of the people in Constantinople 
were probably praying that the Allied attack would succeed, and 
so release them from the control of the political gang that then 
ruled the country. 

And in all this excitement there was one lonely and despon- 
dent figure — this was Talaat. Whenever I saw him in those 
critical days, he was the picture of desolation and defeat. The 
Turks, hke most primitive peoples, wear their emotions on the 
surface, and with them the transition from exultation to despair 
is a short one. The thunder of the British guns at the strait 
apparently spelled doom to Talaat. The letter-carrier of 
Adrianople seemed to have reached the end of his career. He 
again confided to me his expectation that the English would 
capture the Turkish capital, and once more he said that he was 
sorry that Turkey had entered the war. Talaat well knew what 
would happen as soon as the Allied fleet entered the Sea of 
Marmora. According to the report of the Cromer Commission, 
Lord Kitchener, in giving his assent to a purely naval expedition, 
had rehed upon a revolution in Turkey to make the enterprise 
successful. Lord Kitchener has been much criticised for his 
part in the Dardanelles attack ; I owe it to his memory, however, 
to say that on this point he was absolutely right. Had the Allied 
fleets once passed the defences at the strait, the administration 
of the Young Turks would have come to a bloody end. As soon 
as the guns began to fire, placards appeared on the hoardings 
denouncing Talaat and his associates as responsible for all the 
woes that had come to Turkey. Bedri, the Prefect of PoHce, was 
busy collecting all the unemployed young men and sending them 
out of the city ; his purpose was to free Constantinople of all who 
might start a revolution against the Young Turks. It was a 
common report that Bedri feared this revolution much more than 
he feared the British fleet. And this was the same Nemesis that 
was every moment now pursuing Talaat. 

A single episode illustrates the nervous excitement that 
prevailed. Dr. Lederer, the correspondent of the Berliner 
Tageblatt, made a short visit to the Dardanelles, and, on his 
return, reported to certain ladies of the diplomatic circle that the 
German officers had told him that they were wearing their 
shrouds, as they expected any minute to be buried there. This 
statement went around the city like wildfire, and Dr. Lederer was 
threatened with arrest for making it. He appealed to me for 
help ; I took him to Wangenheim, who refused to have anything 



to do with him. Lederer, he said, was an Austrian subject, 
although he represented a German newspaper. His anger at 
Lederer for this indiscretion was extreme. But I finally succeeded 
in getting the unpopular joumaHst into the Austrian Embassy, 
where he was harboured for the night. In a few days Lederer 
had to leave town. 

In the midst of all this excitement there was one person who 
was apparently not at all disturbed. Though • ambassadors, 
generals, and poHticians might anticipate the worst calamities, 
Enver's voice was reassuring and quiet. The man's coolness 
and really courageous spirit never shone to better advantage. 
In late December and January, when the city had its first fright 
over the bombardment, Enver was fighting the Russians in the 
Caucasus. His experiences in this campaign, as already described, 
had been far from glorious. Enver had left Constantinople in 
November to join his army an expectant conqueror ; he returned 
in the latter part of January, the commander of a thoroughly 
beaten and demoraHsed force. Such a disastrous experience 
would have utterly ruined almost any other miUtary leader, and 
that Enver felt his reverses keenly was evident from the way in 
which he kept himself from pubHc view. I had my first ghmpse 
of him, after his return, at a concert given for the benefit of the 
Red Crescent. At this affair Enver sat far back in a box, as 
though he intended to keep as much as possible out of sight ; it 
was quite apparent that he was uncertain as to the cordiahty of 
his reception by the public. All the important people in Con- 
stantinople, the Crown Prince, the members of the Cabinet, and 
the Ambassadors attended this function, and, in accordance with 
the usual custom, the Crown Prince sent for these dignitaries, 
one after another, for a few words of greeting^and congratulation. 
After that the visiting from box to box became general. The 
heir to the throne sent for Enver as well as the rest, and this 
recognition evidently gave him a new courage, for he began to 
mingle with the diplomats, who also treated him with the utmost 
cordiality and courtesy. Enver apparently regarded this 
favourable notice as having re-estabhshed his standing, and now 
once more he assumed a leading part in the crisis. A few days 
afterward he discussed the situation with me. He was much 
astonished, he said, at the fear that so generally prevailed, and 
he was disgusted at the preparations that had been made to seVid 
away the Sultan and the Government and practically leave the 
city a prey to the Enghsh. He did not believe that the AlHed 
fleets could force the Dardanelles ; he had recently inspected all 
the fortifications and he had every confidence in their ability to 

K 



130 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

resist successfully. Even though the ships did get through, he 
insisted that Constantinople should be defended to the last man. 

Yet Enver's assurance did not satisfy his associates. They 
had made all .their arrangements for the British fleet. If, in 
spite of the most heroic resistance the Turkish armies could make, 
it still seemed Hkely that the Allies were about to capture the 
city, the ruling Powers had their final plans all prepared. They 
proposed to do to this great capital precisely what the Russians 
did to Moscow, when Napoleon appeared before it. 
. " They will never capture an existing city," they told me, 
" only a heap of ashes." As a matter of fact, this was no idle 
threat. I was told that cans of petroleum had been already 
stored in all the poUce stations and other places, ready to. fire the 
towti at a moment's notice. As Constantinople is largely built 
of wood, this would have been no very difficult task. But they 
were determined to destroy more than these temporary struc- 
tures ; the plans aimed at the beautiful architectural monuments 
built by the Christians long before the Turkish occupation. The 
Turks had particularly marked for dynamiting the Mosque of 
Santa Sophia. This building, which had been a Christian church 
centuries before it became a Mohammedan mosque, is one of the 
most magnificent structures of the vanished Byzantine Empire. 
Naturally the suggestion of such an act of vandalism aroused us 
all, and I made a plea to Talaat that Santa Sophia should be 
spared. He treated the proposed destruction lightly. 

" There are not six men in the Committee of Union and 
Progress," he told me, " who care for anything that is old. We 
all hke new things ! " 

That was all the satisfaction I obtained in this matter at that 
time. . ,■ " 

Enver's insistence that the Dardanelles could resist caused 
his associates to lose confidence in his judgment. About a year 
afterward, Bedri Bey, the Prefect of Police, gave me additional 
details. While Enver was still in the Caucasus, Bedri said, j 
Talaat had called a conference, a kind of council of war, on the 
Dardanelles. This had been attended by Liman von Sanders, 
the German General who had reorganised the Turkish Army; 
Usedom, the German Admiral who was the Inspector-General of 
the Ottoman coast defences, and Bronsart, the German Chief of 
Staff of the Turkish Army, and several others. Every man present 
gave it as his opinion that the British and French fleets could 
force the strait ; the only subject of dispute, said Bedri, "was 
whether it would take the ships eight or twenty hours to reach 
Constantinople after they had destroyed the defences. Enver's 



The Turks Prepare to Flee from Constantinople 131 

position was well understood, but this council decided to ignore 
him and to make the preparations without his knowledge— to 
eliminate the Minister of War, at least temporarily, from their 
deliberations. 

In early March, Bedri and Djambolat, who was Director of 
Public Safety, came to see me. At that time the exodus from 
the capital had begun ; Turkish women and children were being 
moved into the interior ; all the banks had been compelled to 
send their gold into Asia Minor ; the archives of the Sublime 
Porte had already been carried to Eski-Shehr, and practically all 
the Ambassadors and their suites, as well as most of the Govern- 
ment officials, had made their preparations to leave. Many of 
Constantinople's finest works of art had been buried in cellars or 
covered for protection, the Director of the Museum being one of 
the six Turks to whonj Talaat had referred as liking " old things." 

Bedri came to arrange the details of my departure. As Am- 
bassador I was personally accredited to the Sultan, and it would 
obviously be my duty, said Bedri, to go wherever the Sultan went ; 
the train was all ready, he added. He wished to know how many 
people I intended to take, so that sufficient space could be 
reserved. To this proposal I entered a flat refusal. I informed 
Bedri that I thought that my responsibilities made it necessary 
for me to remain in Constantinople. Only a neutral Ambassador, 
I said, could forestall massacres and the destruction of the city, 
and certainly I owed it to the civilised world to prevent, if I 
could, such calamities as these. If my position as Ambassador 
made it inevitable that I should follow the Sultan, I would resign 
and become honorary Consul-General. 

Both Bedri and Djambolat were much younger and less 
experienced men than I, and I therefore told them that they 
needed a man of maturer years to advise them in an inter- 
national crisis of this kind. I was not only interested in protect- 
ing foreigners and American institi:itions, but I was also inter- 
ested, on general humanitarian grounds, in safeguarding the 
Turkish population from the excesses that were generally 
expected. The several nationalities, many of them containing 
"elements which were given to pillage and massacre, were causing 
great anxiety. I therefore proposed to Bedri and Djambolat 
that the three of us form a kind of committee to take control 
in the approaching crisis. They consented, and we sat down 
and decided on a course of action. We took a map of Con- 
stantinople and marked the districts which, under the exist- 
ing rules of warfare, we agreed that the AlHed fleet would 
have the right to bombard. Thus, we" decided that the War 



132 



Secrets of the Bosphorus 



Office, Marine Office, telegraph offices, railroad stations, and all 
public buildings could quite legitimately be made the targets for 
their guns. Then we marked out certain zones which we should 
insist on regarding as immune. The main residential section, 
and the part where all the Embassies are located, is Pera, the 
district on the north shore of the Golden Horn. This we marked 
as not subject to attack. We also delimited certain residential 
areas of Stamboul and Galata, the Turkish sections. I tele- 
graphed to Wasliington, asking the State Department to obtain 
a ratification of these plans and an agreement to respect these 
zones of safety from the British and French Governments. I 
received a reply endorsing my action. 

All preparations had thus been made. At the station stood 
trains which were to take the Sultan and the Government and 
the Ambassadors to Asia Minor. They had steam up, ready to 
move at a minute's notice. We were all awaiting the triumphant 
arrival of the Allied fleet. 



CHAPTER XVII 

ENVER AS THE MAN WHO DEMONSTRATED " THE VULNERABILITY 
OF THE BRITISH FLEET "^OLD-FASHIONED DEFENCES OF THE 

DARDANELLES' 

When the situation had reached this exciting stage Enver asked 
me to visit the Dardanelles. He still insisted that the fortifications 
were impregnable, and he could not understand, he said, the panic 
which was then raging in Constantinople. He had visited the 
Dardanelles himself, had inspected every gun and every em- 
placement, and was entirely confident that his soldiers could hold 
off the AUied fleet indefinitely. He had taken Talaat down, and 
by doing so he had considerably eased that statesman's fears. 
It was Enver 's conviction that, if I could visit the fortifications, 
I would be persuaded that the fleets could never get through, and 
that I would thus be able to give such assurances to the people 
that the prevailing excitement would subside, t disregarded 
certain natural doubts as to whether an Ambassador should 
expose himself to the dangers of such .a situation — the ships were 
bombarding nearly every day — and promptly accepted Enver's 
invitation. 

On the morning of the 15th we left Constantinople on the 
Yiiruk. Enver himself accompanied us as far as Panderma, an 
Asiatic town on the Sea of Marmora. The party included several 
other notables : Ibrahim Bey, the Minister of Justice, Husni 
Pasha, the General who had commanded the army which had 
deposed Abdul Hamid in the Young Turk revolution, and Senator 
Cheriff Djafer Pasha, an Arab and a direct descendant of the 
Prophet. A particularly congenial companion was Fuad Pasha, 
an old Field-Marshal, who had led an adventurous career. 
Despite his age, he had an immense capacity for enjoyment, was 
a huge feeder and a capacious drinker, and had as many stories 
to teli of exile, battle, and hair-breadth escapes as Othello. All 
of these men were much older than Enver, and all of them were 
descended of far more distinguished lineage, yet they treated 
tin's stripling with the utmost deference. 

Enver seemed particularly glad of this opportunity to discuss 
the situation. Immediately after breakfast he tock me aside, 
and together we went up to the deck. The day was a beautiful 



134. Secrets of the Bosphorus 

sunny one, and the sky in the Marmora was that deep blue which 
we find only in this part of the world. What most impressed me 
was the intense quiet, the almost , desolate inactivity of these 
silent waters. Our ship was almost the only one in sight, and 
this inland sea, which in ordinary times was one of the world's 
greatest commercial highways, was now practically a primeval 
'Waste. The whole scene -was merely a reflection of the great 
triumph which German diplomacy had accomphshed in the Near 
East. . • • 

For nearly six months not a Russian merchant ship had 
passed through the straits. All the commerce of Rumania and 
Bulgaria, which had normally found its way to Europe across 
this inland sea, had long since disappeared. The ultimate 
significance of all this desolation was that Russia was blockaded 
and completely isolated from her allies. How much that one 
fact has meant in the history of the world for the last three years ! 
And now England and France were seeking to overcome this 
disadvantage ; to link up their own mihtary resources with those 
of their great eastern ally, and to restore to the Dardanelles and 
the Marmora the thousands of ships that meant Russia's existence 
as a mihtary and economic, and even, as subsequent events have 
shown, as a pohtical. Power. We were approaching the scene of 
one of the great crises of the war. 

Would England and her allies succeed in this enterprise ? 
Would their ships at the Dardanelles smash the fortifications, 
break through, and again make Russia a permanent force in the 
war ? That was the main subject which Enver and I discussed, 
as for nearly three hours we walked up and down the deck, 
Enver again referred to the " silly panic " that had seized nearly 
all classes in the capital. 

" Even though Bulgaria and Greece both turn against 
us," he said, " we shall defend Constantinople to the end. 
We have plenty of guns,^ plenty of ammunition, and we have 
these on terra-firma, whereas the EngHsh and French batteries 
are floating ones.- And the natural advantages of the straits 
are so great that the warships can make Httle progress against 
them. I do not care, what other people may think. I have 
studied this problem more thoroughly than any of them, and 
I feel that I am right. As long as I am at the head of the War 
Department we shall not give up. Indeed, I do not know just 
what these English and French battleships are driving at. 
Suppose that they rush the Dardanelles, get here into the Mar- 
mora, and reach Constantinople, what good will that do them ? 
They can bombard and destroy the city, I admit, but they 



" The Vulnerability of the British Fleet " 135 

cannot capture it, as they have no troops to land. Unless they 
do bring a large army, they will really be caught in a trap. They 
can perhaps stay here for two or three weeks, until their food and 
supplies are all exhausted, and then they will have to go back — 
rush the straits again, and again run the risk of annihilation. 
In the meantime we would have repaired the forts, brought in 
troops, and made ourselves ready for them.* It seems to me to 
be a very foolish enterprise." 

I have already told how Enver had taken Napoleon as his 
model, and in this Dardanelles expedition he now apparently saw 
a Napoleonic opportunity. As we were pacing the deck he 
stopped a moment, looked at me earnestly, and said : 

" I shall go down in history as the man who demonstrated 
the vulnerabihty of England and her fleet. I shall show that 
her Navy is not invincible. I was in England a few years before 
the war, and discussed England's position with many of her 
leading men, such as Asquith, Churchill, Haldane. I told them 
that their course was wrong. Winston Churchill declared that 
England could defend herself with her Navy alone, and that she 
needed no large Army. I told Churchill that no great empire' 
could last that did not have both an army and a navy. I found 
that Churchill's opinion was the one that prevailed everywhere 
in England. There was only one man I met who agreed with me 
— that was Lord Roberts. Well, Churchill has now sent his fleet 
down here — perhaps to show me that his Navy can do all that he 
said it could do. Now we'll see." 

Enver seemed to regard his naval expedition as a personal 
challenge from Mr. Churchill to himself — almost hke a continua- 
tion of their argument in London. 

" You, too, should have a large army,'.' said Enver, referring 
to the United States. 

" I do not beUeve," he went on, " that England is trying to 
force the Dardanelles because Russia has asked her to. When I 
was in England I discussed with Churchill the possibihty of a 
general war. He asked me what Turkey would do in such a case, 
and said that, if we took Germany's side, the British fleet would 
force the Dardanelles and capture Constantinople. Churchill is 
not trying to help Russia — he is carrying out the threat made to 
me at that time." 

Enver spoke with the utmost determination and conviction ; 
he said that nearly all the damage inflicted on the outside forts 
had been repaired, and that the Turks had methods of defence the 
existence of which the enemy httle suspected. He showed great 
bitterness against ti^e Enghsh ; he accused them of attempting 



136 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

to bribe Turkish officials, and even said that they had instigated 
attempts upon his own Hfe. On the other hand, he. displayed no 
particular friendliness toward th^ Germans. Wangenheim's 
overbearing manners had caused him much irritation, and the 
Turks, he said, got on none too well with the German officers. 

" The Turks and Germans," he added, " care nothing for each 
other. We are with them because it is our interest to be with 
them ; 'they are with us because that is their interest. Germany 
will back Turkey just so long as that helps Germany ; Turkey 
will back Germany just so long as that helps Turkey." 

Enver seemed much impressed at the close of our interview 
with the intimate personal relations which we had estabhshed 
with each other. He apparently believed that he, the great 
Enver, the Napoleon of the Turkish Revolution, had unbended in 
discussing his nation's affairs with a mere Ambassador ; colossal 
vanity, as I have before remarked, was one of his strong points. 

'" You know," he said, " that there is no one in Germany with 
whom the Emperor talks as intimately as I have talked with you 
to-day." 

We reached Panderma about two o'clock. Here Enver and 
his auto were put ashore, and our party started again, our boat 
arriving at Gallipoh late in the afternoon. We anchored in the 
harbour and spent the night oh board. All the evening we could 
hear the guns bombarding the fortifications, but these reminders 
of war and death did not affect the spirits of my Turkish hosts. 
The occasion was for them a great lark ; they had spent several 
months in hard, exacting work, and now they behaved hke boys 
suddenly let out for a vacation. They made jokes, told stories, 
sang the queerest kinds of songs, and played childish pranks upon 
each other. The venerable Fuad, despite his nearly ninety 
years, developed great quaHties as an entertainer, and the fact 
that his associates made him the butt of most of their horse-play 
apparently only added to his enjoyment of the occasion. The 
amusement reached its height when one of his friends surrepti- 
tiously poured him a glass of eau-de-cologne. The old gentleman 
looked at the new drink a moment and then diluted it with water. 
I was told that the proper way of testing raki, the popular Turkish 
tipple, is by mixing it with water ; if it turns white under this 
treatment it is the real thing, and 'may be safely drunk. Ap- 
parently water has the same effect upon eau-de-cologne, for the' 
contents of Fuad's glass, after this test, turned white. The old 
gentleman, therefore; poured the whole thing down his throat 
without a grimace — much to the hilarious entertainment of his 
tormentors. 






"The Vulnerability of the British Fle.et " 137 

In the morning we started again. We had,now fairly arrived 
in the Dardanelles, and from Gallipoli we had a sail of nearly 
twenty-five miles to Tchanak Kale. For the most part this 
section of the strait is uninteresting, and, from a military point 
of view, it is unimportant. The stream is about two miles wide, 
both sides are low-lying and marshy, and only a few scrambling 
villages show any signs of hfe. I was told that there were a few 
ancient fortifications, their rusty guns pointing toward the 
Marmora, the emplacements having been erected there in the 
early part of the nineteenth century for the purpose of preventing 
hostile ships entering from the north. These fortifications, 
however, were so inconspicuous that I could not see them. My 
hosts informed me that they had no fighting power, and that, 
indeed, there was nothing in the northern part of the straits, 
from Point Nagara to the Marmora, that could offer resistance to 
any modem fleet. 

The chief interest which I found in this part of the 
Dardanelles was purely historic and legendary. The ancient 
town of Lampsacus appeared in the modern Lapsaki, just 
across from GallipoU, and Nagara Point is the site of the 
ancient Abydos, from which village Leander used to swim 
nightly across the Hellespont to Hero — a feat which was repeated 
about one hundred years ago by Lord Byron. Here, also, Xerxes 
crossed from Asia to Greece on a bridge of boats, embarking on 
that famous expedition which was to make him master of the 
world. The tribe of Xerxes, I thought, as I passed the scene of 
his exploit, is not yet entirely extinct ! The Germans and 
Turks had found a less romantic use for this, the narrowest part 
of the Dardanelles, for here they had stretched a cable and anti- 
submarine barrage of mines and nets — a device which, as I shall 
describe, did not keep the English and French underwater boats 
out of the Marmora and the Bosphorus. It was not until we 
rounded this historic point of Nagara that the dull monotony of 
flat shores gave place to a more diversified landscape. On the 
European side the chfi's now began to descend precipitously to 
the water, reminding me of our own Pahsades along the Hudson, 
and I obtained ghmpses of the hills and mountain ridges that 
afterward proved such tragical stumbling-blocks to the valiant 
Allied armies. The configuration of the land south of Nagara, 
with its many hills and ridges, made it plain why the mihtary 
engineers had selected tliis stretch of the Dardanelles as the 
section best adapted to defence. • 

Our boat was now approaching what was perhaps the most 
commanding point in the whole strait, the city of Tchanak, 



138 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

or, to give it its modern European name, of Dardanelles. In 
normal times this was a thriving port of 16,000 people, 
its houses built of wood, the headquarters of a considerable 
trade in wool and other products, and for centuries it 
has been an important military station. Now, excepting for 
the soldiers, it was deserted, the large civilian population having 
been moved into Anatolia. The British fleet, we were told, had 
bombarded this city ; yet this statement seemed hardly probable, 
for I saw only a single house that ha,d been hit, evidently by a 
stray shell which had been aimed at the near-by fortifications. 

Djevad Pasha,, the Turkish Commander-in-Chief at the 
Dardanelles, met us and escoTted our party to headquarters. 
Djevad was a man of culture and of pleasing and cordial manners ; 
as he spoke excellent German, I had no need of an interpreter. 
I was much impressed by the deference with which the German 
officers treated him. That he was the Commander-in-Chief in this 
theatre of war, and that the Generals of the Kaiser were his 
subordinates, was made plainly apparent. As we passed into his 
office, Djevad stopped in front of a piece of a torpedo, mounted 
in the middle of the hall, evidently as a souvenir. 

" There is the great criminal ! " he said, calling my attention 
to the relic. . ■ 

About this time the newspapers were hailing the exploit of 
an English submarine, which had sailed from England to the 
Dardanelles, passed under the minefield, and torpedoed the 
Turkish warship Mesudie. 

"That's the torpedo* that did it," said Djevad. "You'll 
see the wreck of the ship when you go down." 

The first fortification I visited was that of Anadolu Hamidie 
(that is, Asiatic Hamidie), located on the water's edge just outside 
of Tchanak. My first impression waS that I was in Germany. 
The officers were practically all Germans, and everywhere Ger- 
mans were building up buttresses with sacks of sand and in other 
ways strengthening the emplacements. Here German, not 
Turkish, was the language heard on every side. Oberst Wehrle, 
who conducted me over these batteries, took the greatest delight 
in showing them. He had the simple pride of the artist in his 
work, and told me of the happiness that had come into his days 
when Germany had at last found herself at war. All his life, he 
said, he had spent in military practices, and, like most Germans, 
he had become tired of manoeuvres, sham battles, and other forms 
of mimic hostilities. Yet he was approaching fifty, he had 
become a colonel, and he was fearful that his career would close 
without actual military experience — and then the splendid thing 



"The Vulnerability of the British Fleet" 139 

had happened, and here he was, fighting a real English enemy, 
firing real guns and shells ! There was nothing brutal about 
Wehrle's manners ; he was a " gemiltiich " gentleman from 
Baden, and thorouglily likeable ; yet he was all aglow with the 
spirit of " Der Tag." His attitude was simply that of a man who 
had spent his lifetime learning a trade and who now rejoiced at 
the chance of exercising it. But he furnished an illuminating 
light on the German military sharacter and the forces that had 
really caused the war. 

Feeling myself so completely in GeiTnan country, I asked 
Colonel Wehrlc why there were so few Tiirks on this side of the 
straits. " You won't ask me that question this afternoon," he 
said, smihng, " when you go over to the' other side." 

The location of Anadolu Hamidie seemed ideal. It stands 
right at the water's edge, and consists — or it did then — of ten 
guns, every one completely sweeping the Dardanelles. .Walking 
upon the parapet, I had a clear view of the strait, Kum Kale, at 
the entrance, about fifteen miles away, standing out conspicu- 
ously. No warship could enter these waters without immediately 
coming within complete sight of her gunners. Yet the fortress 
itself, to an unprofessional eye hke my own, was not particularly 
impressive. The parapet and traverses were merely mounds of 
earth, and stand to-day practically as they were finished by their 
French constructors in 1837. There is a general belief that the 
Germans had completely modernised the Dardanelles defences, 
but this was not true at that time. The guns defending Fort 
Anadolu Hamidie were more than thirty years old, all being the 
Krupp model of 1885, and the rusted exteriors of some of them 
gave evidence of their age. Their extreme range was only 
•about nine miles, while the range of the battleships opposing 
them was about ten miles, and that of the Queen Elizabeth was 
not far from eleven. The figures which I have given for Anadolu 
Hamidie apply also to practically all the guns at the other effec- 
tive fortifications. So far as the advantage of range was con- 
cerned, therefore, the AUied fleet had a decided superiority, the 
Queen Elizabeth alone having them all practically at her mercy. 

Nor did the fortifications contain very considerable stores of 
ammunition. At that time the European and American papers 
were -printing stories that trainloads of shells and guns were 
coming by way of Rumania from Germany to the Dardanelles. 
From facts which I learned on this trip and subsequently, I 
am convinced that these reports were pure . fiction. A number 
of " red heads " — that is, non-armour-piercing projectiles, useful 
only for fighting landing parties — had been brought from 



I4P Secrets of the Bosphorus 

Adrianople and were reposing in Hamidie, at the time of my visit, 
but these were small in quantity, and of no value in fighting ships. 
I lay this stress upon_ Hamidie because this was the most im- 
portant fortification in the Dardanelles. Throughout the whole 
bombardment it attracted more of the Alhed fire than any other 
position, and it inflicted at least 60 per cent, of all the damage 
that was done to the attacking ships. It was Anadolu Hamidie 
which, in the great bombardment of March i8th, sank the 
Bouvet, the French battleship, and v/hich in the course of the 
whole attack had disabled several other units. All its ofhcers 
were Germans and 85 per cent, of the men on duty came from 
the crews of the Goeben and the Breslait. 

Getting into the automobile, we sped along the miUtary road 
to Dardanos, passing on the way the wreck of the Mesudie. 
The Dardanos battery was as completely Turkish as the Hamidie 
was German. The guns at Dardanos were somewhat more 
modern than those at Hamidie — they were the Krupp model of 
1905. Here also was stationed the only new battery which the 
Germans had established up to the time of my visit ; it consisted 
of several guns which they had taken from the German and 
Turkish warships then lying in the Bosphorus. A few da5^s 
before our inspection the Allied fleet had entered the Bay of 
Erenkeui and had submitted Dardanos to a terrific bombardment, 
the evidences of which I saw on every hand. The land for nearly 
half a mile about seemed to have been completely churned up ; 
it looked like photographs I had seen of the battlefields in France. 
The strange thing was, that, despite all this punishment, the 
batteries themselves remained intact ; not a single gun, my 
guides told me, had been destroyed. , ' 

" After the war is over," said General Mertens, " we are 
going to establish a big tourist resort here, build a hotel, and sell 
relics to you Americans. We shall not have to do much excavat- 
ing to find them — the British fleet is doing that for us now." 

This sounded like a passing joke, yet the statement was 
literally true. Dardanos, where this emplacement is located, 
was one of the famous cities of the ancient world ; in Homeric 
times it was part of the principality of Priam. Fragments of 
capitals and columns are still visible. And the shells from the 
Allied fleet were now ploughing up many relics which had been 
buried for thousands of years. One of my friends picked up a 
water-] ug which had perhaps been used in the days of Troy. 
The effectiveness of modern gunfire in excavating these evidences 
of a long-lost civilisation was striking, though, unfortunately, the 
relics did not always come to the surface intact. 



"The Vulnerability of the British Fleet" 141 

The Turkish Generals were extremely proud of the fight 
which this Dardanos battery had made against the British ships. 
They would lead me to the guns that had done particularly good 
service and pat them affectionately. For my benefit Djevad 
called out Lieutenant .Hassan, the Turkish officer who had de- 
fended this position. He was a Uttle fellow, with jet-black hair, 
black eyes, extremely modest and almost shrinking in the 
presence of these great Generals. Djevad patted Hassan on 
both cheeks, while another high Turkish officer stroked liis.hair ; 
one would have thought that he was a faithful dog who had just 
performed some meritorious ser\dce. 

"It is men like you of whom great heroes are made," said 
General Djevad. He asked Hassan to describe the attack and 
the' way it had been met. The embarrassed lieut'enant quietly 
told his story, though he was moved almost to tears by the 
appreciation of his exalted chiefs. 

" There is a great future for you in the Army," said General 
Djevad, as we parted from this hero. 

Poor Hassan's " future " came two days afterward, when the 
Allied fleet made its greatest attack. One of the shells struck his 
dugout, which caved in, killing the boy. Yet his behaviour on 
the day I visited his battery showed that he regarded the praise 
of his General as sufficient compensation for all that he had 
suffered or all that he might suffer. 

I was much puzzled by the fact that the Allied fleet, despite 
its large expenditures of ammunition, had not been able to hit 
this Dardanos emplacement. I naturally thought at first that 
such a failure indicated poor marksmanship, but my German 
guides said that that was not the case. All this misfire merely 
illustrated once more the familiar fact that a rapidly-manoeuvring 
battleship is under great disadvantage in shooting at a fixed 
fortification. But there was another point involved in the 
Dardanos battery. My hosts called my attention to its location ; 
it was perched on the top of the hiU, in full view of the ships, 
itself forming a part of the skyline. Dardanos was merely five 
steel turrets, each with a gun, approached by a winding trench. 

" That," they said, " is the most difficult thing in the world 
to liit. It is so distinct that it looks easy, but the whole thing is 
an illusion." 

I do not understand completely the optics of the situation, 
but it seems that the skyhne creates a kind of mirage, so that it 
is practically impossible to hit anything at that point, except by 
accident. The gunner might get what was apparently a perfect 
sight, yet his shell would go wide. The record of Dardanos had 



142 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

been little short of marvellous. Up to March i8th, the ships 
had fired at it about 4,000 shells. One turret had been hit by a 
splinter, which had also scratched the paint, anothar bad been 
hit and sHghtly bept in, and another had been hit near the base 
and a piece about the size of a man's hand had been knocked out. 
But not a single gun had been even.sHghtly damaged. Eight 
men had been killed, including Lieutenant Hassan, and about 
forty had been wounded. That was the extent of the destruction. 
" It was the optical illusion that saved Dardanos," one of the 
Germans remarked. 



r 



CHAPTER XVIII 



THE ALLIED ARMADA SAILS AWAY, THOUGH ON THE BRINK OF 

VICTORY 

Again getting into the automobile, we rode along the shore, my 
host calling my attention to the minefields, which stretched 
from Tchanak southward about seven miles. In this area the 
Germans and Turks had scattered nearly 400 mines. They told 
me with a good deal of gusto that the Russians had furnished a 
considerable number of these destructive engines. Day after 
day Russian destroyers sowed mines at the Black Sea entrance to 
the Bosphorus, hoping that they would float down-stream and 
fulfil their appointed task. Every morning Turkish and German 
mine-sweepers would go up, fish out these mines, and place them 
in the Dardanelles. 

The battery at Erenkeui had also been subjected to a heavy 
bombardment, but it had suffered httle. Unlike Dardanos, it 
was situated back of a hill, completely shut out from \iew. In 
order to fortify this spot, I was told, the Turks had been com- 
pelled practically to dismantle the fortifications of the Inner 
Straits — that section of the stream which extends from Tchanak 
to Point Nagara. This was the reason why this latter part of the 
Dardanelles was now practically unfortified. The guns that had 
been moved for this purpose were old-style Krupp pieces of the 
model of 1885. 

South of Erenkeui, on the hills bordering the road, the 
Germans had introduced an innovation. They had found several 
Krupp 'howitzers left over from the Bulgarian war and had 
installed therh on concrete foundations. Each battery had four 
or live of these emplacements, so that, as I approached them, I 
found several substantial bases that apparently had no guns. 
I was mystified further at the sight of a herd of buffaloes — I think 
I counted sixteen engaged in the operation — hauling one of these 
howitzers from one emplacement to another. This, it seems, was 
part of the plan of defence. As soon as the dropping shells 
indicated that the fleet had obtained the range, the howitzer 
would be moved, with the aid of buffalo teams, to another 
concrete emplacement. L-^r- .i^j' 

" We have even a better trick than that," remarked one of 



144 S6crets of the Bosphorus 

the officers. They called out a sergeant, and recounted his 
acliievement. This soldier was the custodian of a contraption 
which, at a distance, looked like a real gun, but which, when I 
examined it near at hand, was apparently an elongated section" of 
sewer pipe. Back of a hill, entirely hidden from the fleet, was 
placed the gun with which this sergeant had co-operated. The 
two were connected by telephone. When the command came to 
fire, the gunner in charge of the howitzer would discharge his 
shell, while the- man in charge of the sewer pipe would burn 
several pounds of black powder and send forth a conspicuous 
cloud of inky smoke. Not unnaturally, the Englishmen and 
Frenchmen on the ships would assume that the shells speeding in 
their direction came from the visible smoke-cloud, and would 
proceed to centre all their attention upon that. spot. The space 
around this burlesque gun was pock-marked with shell-holes ; the 
sergeant in charge, I was told, had attracted more than 500 shots, 
while, the real artillery piece still remained intact and undetected. 

From Erenkeui we motored back to General Djevad's head- 
quarters, ' where we had lunch. Djevad took me up to an 
observation post, and there before my eyes I had the beautiful 
blue ejipanse of the lEgean. I could see the entrances to the 
Dardanelles, Sedd-ul-Bahr, and Kum Kale standing Hke the 
guardians of a gateway, with the rippling sunny waters stretching 
between. Far out I saw the majestic ships of England and 
"France saiUng across th^ entrance, and, still farther away, I 
caught a glimpse of the island of Tenedos, beliind which we knew 
that a still larger fleet lay concealed. Naturally this prospect 
brought to mind a thousand historic and legendary associations, 
for there is probably no single spot in the world more crowded 
with poetry and romance. Evidently my Turkish escort. 
General Djevad, felt the spell, for he took a telescope and pointed 
a,t a bleak expanse, perhaps ten miles away. 

" Look at that spot," he said, handing .me the glass. " Do 
you know what that is ? " 

I looked, but could not identify. this sandy beach. 

" Those are the plains of Troy," he said. " And the river 
that you see winding in and out," he added, " we Turks call it 
the Mendere, but Homer knew it as the Scamander. Back of us, 
only a few miles away, is Mount Ida." 

Then Tie turned his glass out to sea, swept the field where the 
British ships lay, and again asked me to look at an indicated spot. 
I immediately brought within view a magnificent EngUsh war- 
ship, all stripped for battle, quietly steaming along like a^man 
walking, on patrol duty. 







< 
^ 



The Allied Armada Sails Away 145 

" That," said General Djevad, " is the Agamemnon ! Shall 
I fire a shot at her ? " he asked me. 

" Yes, if you'll promise me not to hit her," I answered. 

We lunched at headquarters, where we were joined by 
Admiral Usedom, General Mertens, and General Pomiankowsky, 
the Austrian Military Attache at Constantinople. The chief note 
in the conversation was one of absolute confidence in the future. 
Whatever the diplomats and pohticians in Constantinople may 
have thought, these men, Turks and Germans, had no expectation 
— at least, their conversation betrayed none — that the Allied fleets 
would pass their defences. What they seemed to hope for above 
everything was that their enemies would make another attack. 

" If we could only get a chance at the Queen Elizabeth ! " said 
one eager German, referring to the greatest ship in the British 
Navy, then lying off the entrance. 

As the Rhein wine began to disappear, their eagerness for the 
combat increased. 

" If the damn foolsr would only make a landing ! " exclaimed 
one — I quote his precise words. 

The Turkish and German officers, indeed, seemed to vie with 
each other in expressing their readiness for thfe fray. Probably 
a good deal of this was bravado, intended for my consumption — 
.indeed, I had private information that their real estimate of the 
situation was much less reassuring. Now, however, they declared 
that the war had presented no real opportunity for the German 
and English Navies to measure swords, and for this reason the 
Germans at the Dardanelles welcomed this chance to try the 
issue. . 

Having visited all the important places on the Anatolian side, 
we took a launch and sailed over to the GallipoU Peninsula. We 
almost had a disastrous experience on this trip. As we ap- 
proached the Gallipoli shore, our helmsman was asked if he knew 
the location of the minefield and if he could steer through the 
channel. He said " yes," and then steered directly for the 
mines ! Fortunately the other men noticed the mistake in time, 
and so we arrived safely at Kilid-ul-Bahr. The batteries here 
were of about the same character as those on the other side ; they 
formed one of the main defences of the straits. Here every- 
thing, so far as a layman could judge, was in excellent condition, 
barring the fact that the artillery pieces were of old design and 
the ammunition not at all plentiful. 

The batteries showed signs of a heavy bombardment. None 
had been destroyed, but shell-holes surrounded the fortification. 
My Turkish and German friends looked at these evidences of 



146 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

destruction rather seriously, and they were outspoken in their 
admiration for the accuracy of the Allied fire. 

'VHow do they ever get the range ? " This was the question 
they were asking each other. What made the shooting so 
remarkable was the fact that it came, not from Allied ships in the 
straits, but from ships stationed in the ^gean Sea, on the other 
side of the GaUipoh Peninsula. The gunners had never seen 
their target, but had had to fire at a distance of nearly ten 
miles, over high hills, and yet many of their shells had barely 
missed the batteries at Kihd-ul-Bahr. 

When I was there, however, the place was quiet, for no fighting 
was going on that day. For my particular benefit the officers 
put one of their gun-crews through a drill, so that I could obtain 
a perfect picture of the behaviour of the Turks in action. In 
their minds' eyes these artillerists now saw the Enghsh ships j 
advancing within range, all their guns pointed to destroy the 
followers of the Prophet. The bugleniLu. blew his horn, and the 
whole company rushed to their appointed places. Some were 
bringing shells, others were opening the breeches, others were 
taking the ranges, others were straining at pulleys, and others 
were putting the charges -into place. Everything was quickness 
and alertness ; evidently the Germans had been excellent 
instructors, but there was more to it than German military 
precision, for the men's faces hghted up with all that fanaticism 
which supplies the morale of Turkish soldiers. These gunners 
momentarily imagined that they were shooting once more at the 
infidel English, and the exercise was a congenial one. Above the 
shouts of all I could hear the sing-song chant of the leader, 
intoning the prayer with which the Moslem has rushed to battle 
for thirteen centuries. 

" Allah is great, there is but one God, and Mohammed is his 
Prophet ! " 

When I looked upon these frenzied men, and saw so plainly 
written in their faces their uncontrollable hatred of the un- 
behevers, I called to mind what the Germans had said in the 
morning about the wisdom of not putting Turkish and German 
soldiers together. I am quite sure that, had this been done, here, 
at least, the " Holy War " would have proved a success, and that 
the Turks would have vented their hatred of Christians on those 
who happened to be nearest at hand, for the moment overlooking 
the fact that they were alHes. 

I returned to Constantinople that evening, and two days 
afterward, on March i8th, the Alhed fleet made its greatest 
attack. As all the world knows, that attack proved disastrous 



The Allied Armada Sails Away 147 

to the All:,es. The outcome was the sinking of the Bottvet, the 
Ocean, and the Irresistible, and the serious cripphng of four other 
vessels. Of the sixteen sliips engaged in tliis battle of the i8th, 
seven were thus put temporarily or permanently out of action. 

Naturally the Germans and Turks rejoiced over this victory. 
The poUce went around and ordered householders each to display 
a prescribed number of flags in honour of the event. The 
Turkish people have so httle spontaneous patriotism or en- 
thusiasm of an^^ kind that they would never decorate th- •' 
estabhshments without such definite orders ! As a matter of 
fact, neither Germans nor Turks regarded this celebration too 
seriously, for they were not yet persuaded that they had really 
won a victory. Most still believed that the Alhed fleets would 
succeed in forcing their way through. The only question, they 
said, was whether the Entente was ready to sacrifice the necessary 
number of ships. 

Neither Wangenheim nor Pallavicini believed that the 
disastrous experience of the i8th would end the naval attack, 
and for days they anxiously waited for the fleet to return. 
Tills was the general expectation, for no one beHeved that the 
Alhes, after making this great demonstration, would accept 
defeat after the loss of only three ships. The high tension lasted 
for days and weeks after the repulse of the i8th. We were still 
momentarily expecting the renewal of the attack. But the great 
armada never returned. 

Should it have come back ? Could the Allied ships really 
have captured Constantinople ? I am constantly asked this 
question. As a layman my own opinion can have little value, 
but I have quoted the opinions of the German Generals and 
Admirals, and of the Turks — practically all of whom, excepting 
Enver, believed that the enterprise would succeed, and I am half 
inchned to believe that Enver's attitude was merely a case of 
graveyard whistHng. In what I now have to say on this point, 
therefore, I wish it understood that I am giving, not my own views, 
but merely those of the officials then in Turkey who were best 
quahfied to judge. 

Enver had told me, in our talk on the deck of the Yuruk, that 
he had " plenty of guns, plenty of ammunition." But this 
statement was not true. A glance at the map will show why 
1 urkey was not receiving munitions from Germany or Austria 
a I that time. The fact was that Turkey was just as completely 
ibolated from her alhes then as was Russia. There were two 
liiilroad lines leading from Constantinople to Germany. One 
went by way of Bulgaria and Serbia. Bulgaria was then not an 



148 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

ally. Even though she had winked at the passage of guns and 
shells, this line could not have been used, since Serbia, which 
controlled the vital link extending from Nish to Belgrade, was 
still intact. 

The other railroad line went through Rumania, by way 
of Bucharest. This route was independent of Serbia, and, 
had the Rumanian Government consented, it would have formed 
a clear route from the Krupps to the Dardanelles. The fact that 
munitions could be sent oft with the connivance of the Rumanian 
Government perhaps accounts for the suspicion that guns and 
shells were going by that route. Day after day the French and 
British Ministers protested at Bucharest against this alleged 
violation of neutrahty, only to be met with angry denials that the 
Germans were using tlris Line. There is no doubt now that the 
Rumanian Government was perfectly honourable in making 
these denials. It is not unlikely that the Germans themselves 
started all these stories, merely to fool the Allied fleet into the 
belief that their supplies were inexhaustible. 

Let us suppose that the Allies had returned, say, on the 
morning of the 19th, what would have happened ? The one 
overwhelming fact is that the fortifications were very short of 
ammunition. They had almost reached the limit of their resisting 
powers when the British fleet passed out on the afternoon of the 
i8th. I had secured permission for Mr. George A. Schreiner, the 
well-known American correspondent of the Associated Press, to 
visit the Dardanelles on this occasion. On the night of the i8th 
this correspondent discussed the situation with General Mertens, 
who was the chief technical officer at the Straits. General 
Mertens admitted that the outlook was very discouraging for the 
defence. 

" We expect that the British will come back early to-morrow 
morning," he said, " and if they do we may be able to hold out 
for a few hours." 

General Mertens did not declare in so many words that the 
ammunition was practically exhausted, but Mr. Schreiner dis- 
covered that such was the case. The fact was that Fort 
Hamidie, the most powerful defence on the Asiatic side, had just 
seventeen armour-piercing shells left, while at Kilid-vil-Bahr, 
which was the main defence on the European side, there were 
precisely ten. 

" I should advise you to get up at six o'clock to-morrow 
morning," said General Mertens, " and take to the Anatolian 
Hills. That's what we are going to do." 

The troops at all the fortifications had their orders to man the 



The Allied Armada Sails Away 149 

guns until the last shell had been fired and then to abandon the 
forts. 

Once these defences became helpless, the problem of the 
Allied fleet would have been a simple one. The only bar to their 
progress would have been the minefield, which stretched from a 
point about two miles north of Erenkeui to Kilid-ul-Bahr. But 
the Allied fleet had plenty of mine-sweepers, which could have 
made a channel in a few hours. North of Tchanak, as I have 
already explained, there were a few guns, but they were of the 
1878 model, and could not discharge projectiles that could pierce 
modern armour-plate. North of Point Nagara there were only 
two batteries, and both dated from 1835 ! Thus, once having 
silenced the outer straits, there was nothing to bar the passage 
to Constantinople except the German and Turkish warships. 
The Goehen was the only first-class fighting ship in either fleet, 
and would not have lasted long against the Queen Elizabeth. 
The disproportion in the strength of the opposing fleets, indeed, 
was so enormous that it is doubtful whether there would ever 
have been an engagement. 

Thus the Allied fleet would have appeared before Con- 
stantinople on the morning of the 20th. What would have 
happened then ? We have heard much discussion as to whether 
this purely naval attack was justified. Enver, in his conversation 
with me, had laid much stress on the absurdity of sending a fleet 
to Constantinople, supported by no adequate landing force ; and 
much of the criticism passed upon the Dardanelles expedition 
since has centred on that point. Yet it is my opinion that 
this purely naval attack was justified. I base this judgment 
upon the political situation which then existed in Turkey. Under 
ordinary circumstances such an enterprise would probably have 
been a fooHsh one, but the political conditions in Constantinople 
then were not ordinary. There was no solidly-cstabUshed 
Government in Turkey at that time. A political committee, not 
exceeding forty members, headed by Talaat, Enver, and Djemal, 
controlled the Central Government, but their authority through- 
out the Empire was exceedingly tenuous. As a matter of fact, 
the whole Ottoman State, on that i8th day of March, 
1915, when the Allied fleet abandoned the attack, was on the 
brink of dissolution. All over Turkey ambitious chieftains had 
arisen, who were momentarily expecting the fall, and who were 
looking for the opportunity to seize their parts of the inheritance. 

As previously described, Djemal had already organised practi- 
cally an independent Government in Syria. In Smyrna, Rahrai 
Bey, the Governor-General, had often disregarded the authorities 



150 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

in the capital. In Adrianople, Hadji Adil, one of the most courage- 
ous Turks of the time, was making his plans to set up an inde- 
pendent Government. Arabia was already practically an 
independent nation. Among the subject races the spirit of 
revolt was rapidly spreading. The Greeks and the Armenians 
would also have welcomed an opportunity to strengthen the 
hands of the Allies. The existing financial and industrial 
conditions seemed to make revolution inevitable. Many 
farmers went on strike ; they had no seeds, and would not accept 
them as a free gift from the Government because, they said,_ as 
soon as their crops should be garnered the Armies would im- 
mediatelv requisition them. 

As for Constantinople, the populace there and the best 
elements among the Turks, far from opposing the arrival 
of the AlHed fleet, would have welcomed it with joy. The 
Turks themselves were praying that the British and French 
would take their city, for this would reHeve them of the con- 
trolling gang, emancipate them from the hated Germans, bring 
about peace, and end their miseries. 

No one understood this better than Talaat. He was taking 
no chances on making an expeditious retreat, in case the Allied 
fleet appeared before the city. For several months the Turkish 
leaders had been casting envious glances at a Minerva automobile 
that had been reposing in the Belgian Legation ever since Turkey's 
declaration of war. Talaat finally obtained possession of the 
coveted prize. He had obtained somewhere another automobile, 
which he had loaded with extra tyres, gasolene, and all the 
other essentials of a protracted journey. This was evidently 
intended to accompany the more pretentious machine as a kind 
of " mother ship." Talaat stationed these automobiles on the 
Asiatic side of the city with chauffeurs constantly at_ hand. 
Everything was prepared to leave for the interior of Asia at a 
moment's notice. 

But the great Allied armada never returned to the attack. 
About a week after this momentous defeat, I happened to 
drop in at the German Embassy. Wangenheim had a dis- 
tinguished visitor whom he had asked me to meet. I went into 
his private office, and there was von der Goltz Pasha, recently 
retumed from Belgium, where he had served as Governor. I 
must admit that, meeting Goltz thus informally, I had difficulty 
in reconciling his personality with all the stories that were then 
coming out of Belgium. That morning this mild-mannered, 
spectacled gentleman seemed sufficiently quiet and harmless. 
Nor did he look his age— he was then about seventy-four ; his 



ine Allied Armada Sails Away 151 

hair was only streaked with grey, and his face was almost un- 
wrinkled. I should not have taken him for more than sixty-five. 

The austerity, brusquencss, and ponderous dignity which arc 
assumed by most highly-placed Germans were not apparent. 
His voice was deep, musical, and pleasing, and his manners were 
altogether friendly and ingratiating. The only evidence of pomp 
in his bearing was his uniform ; he was dressed as a Field-Marshal, 
his body blazing with decorations and gold braid. Von der 
Goltz explained and half-apologised for his regalia by sa5nng that 
he had just returned from an audience wdth the Sultan. He had 
come to Constantinople to present to His Majesty a medal from the 
Kaiser, and was taking back to Berlin a similar mark of con- 
sideration from the Sultan to the Kaiser, besides an Imperial 
present of 10,000 cigarettes. 

The three of us sat there for some time, drinking coffee, eating 
German cakes, and smoking German cigars. I did not do much 
of the talking, but the conversation of von der Goltz and Wangen- 
heim seemed to me to shed much light upon the German mind, 
and especially on the trustworthiness of German military reports. 
The aspect of the Dardanelles fight that interested them most at 
that time was England's complete frankness in publisliing her 
losses. That the British Government should issue an official 
statement, sa\ang that three ships had been sunk and that four 
others had been badly damaged, struck them as most remarkable. 
In this announcement I merely saw a manifestation of the usual 
British desire to make pubhc the worst — the policy which we 
Americans also believe to be the best in war-time. But no such 
obvious explanation could satisfy these wise and solemn Teutons. 
No, England had some deep purpose in telling the truth so 
unblushingly ; what could it be ? 

" Es ist ansserordentlich ! " (" It is extraordinary ! ") said von 
der Goltz, referring to England's public acknowledgment of 
defeat. 

" Es ist unerhdrt I " ("It is unheard] of !")" declared the 
equally astonished Wangenheim. 

These master diplomatists canvassed one explanation after 
another, and finally reached a conclusion that satisfied the higher 
strategy. England, they agreed, really had had no enthusiasm 
for this attack, because, in the event of success, she would have 
had to hand Constantinople over to Russia — something which 
England really did not intend to do. By pubHshing the losses, 
England showed Russia the enormous difficulties of the task ; she 
had demonstrated, indeed, that the enterprise was impossible. 
After such losses, England intended Russia to understand that 



152 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

she had made a sincere attempt to gain this great prize of war 
and expected her not to insist on further sacrifices. 

The sequel to this great episode in the war came in the winter 
of 1915-16. By this time Bulgaria had taken sides with- the ' 
Entente, Serbia had been overwhelmed, and the Germans had 
obtained a complete unobstructed railroad hne from Constan- 
tinople to Austria and Germany. Huge Krupp guns now began 
to come over this Hne, all destined for the Dardanelles. Sixteen 
great batteries, of the latest model, were emplaced near the 
entrance, completely controlling Sedd-ul-Bahr. The Germans 
lent the Turks 500,000,000 marks, much of which was spent 
defending this indispensable highway. The thinly-fortified 
straits through which I passed in March, 1915, are now as 
impregnably fortified as Heligoland. It is doubtful if all the 
fleets in the world could force the Dardanelles to-day. 



CHAPTER XIX 

A FIGHT FOR THREE THOUSAND CIVILIANS 

On May 2nd, 1915, Enver sent his aide to the American Embassy, 
bringing a message which he requested me to transmit to the 
French and British Governments. About a week before, the 
Allies had made their landing on the Gallipoli Peninsula. They 
had evidently concluded that a naval attack by itself could not 
destroy the defences and open the road to Constantinople, and 
they had now adopted the alternative plan of despatching large 
bodies of troops, to be supported by the guns of their warships. 
Already many thousands of AustraUans and New Zealanders had 
entrenched themselves at the tip of the Peninsula, and the 
excitement that prevailed in Constantinople was almost as great 
as that which had been caused by the appearance of the fleet two 
months before. 

Enver now informed me that the Allied ships were bombarding 
in reckless fashion, and ignoring the well-established international 
rule that such bombardments should be directed only against 
fortified places. British and French shells, he said, were falling 
everywhere, destrojdng unprotected Moslem villages and Idlling 
hundreds of innocent non-combatants. Enver asked me to 
inform the AlHed Governments that such activities must im- 
mediately cease. He had decided to collect all the British and 
French citizens who were then living in Constantinople, take 
them down to the GaUipoli Peninsula, and scatter them in Moslem 
villages and towns. The Allied fleets would then be throwing 
their projectiles not only against peaceful and unprotected 
Moslems, but against their own countrymen. It was Enver's 
idea that this threat, communicated by the American x\mbassador 
to the British and French Governments, would soon put an end 
to " atrocities " of this kind. I was given a few days' respite to 
get the information to London and Paris. 

At that time about 3,000 British and French citizens were 
living in Constantinople. The great majority belonged to the 
class known as Levantines ; nearly all had been born in Turkey, 
and in many cases their famihes had been domiciled in that 
country for two or more generations. The retention of their 



154 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

European citizenship is almost their only contact with the 
nation from which they have sprung. Not uncommonly we 
meet in the larger cities of Turkey men and women who are 
English by race and nationaUty, but who speak no English, 
French being the usual language of the Levantine. The great 
majority have never set foot in England, or any other European | 
country ; thev have only one home, and that is Turkey. The 
fact that the Levantine usually retains citizenship in the nation 
of his origin was now apparently making him a fitting object for 
Turkish vengeance. 

Besides these Levantines, a large number of EngHsh 
and French were then living in Constantinople as teachers 
in the schools, as missionaries, and as important business men 
and merchants. The Ottoman Government now proposed to 
assemble all these residents, both those who were immediately 
and those who were remotely connected with Great Britain and ! 
France, and to place them in exposed positions on the Gallipoli 
Peninsula as targets for the Allied fleet. 

Naturally my first question when I received the startling 
information was whether the warships were really bombarding 
defenceless towns. If they were murdering non-combatant men, 
women, and children in this reckless fashion, such an act of 
reprisal as Enver now proposed would probably have had some 
justiiication. It seemed to me incredible, however, that the 
English and French could commit such barbarities. I had 
already received many complaints of this kind from Turkish 
officials which, on investigation, had turned out to be untrue. 
Only a little while before. Dr. Meyer, the first assistant to Suley- 
man Nouman, the Chief of the Medical Staff, had notified me 
that the British fleet had bombarded a Turkish hospital and 
killed 1,000 invahds. When I looked into the matter, I found 
that the building had been but slightly damaged, and only one 
man killed. 

I now naturally suspected that this latest tale of Allied 
barbarity rested on a similarly flimsy foundation. I soon 
discovered, indeed, that this was the case. . The AlHed fleet was 
not bombarding Moslem villages at all. A number of British 
warships had been stationed in the Gulf of Saros, an indentation 
of the iEgean Sea, on the western side of the Peninsula, and from 
this vantage point they were throwing shells into the city of 
Gallipoli. All the " bombarding " of towns in which they were 
now engaging was limited to this one city. In doing this the 
British Navy was not violating the rules of civilised warfare,_for 
Gallipoli had long since been evacuated of its civilian population, 



I 



A Fight for Three Thousand Civilians 155 

and the Turks had established military headquarters in several 
of the houses, which had properly become the object of the 
Allied attack. I certainly knew of no rule of v/arfare which 
prohibited an attack upon a military headquarters ! As to the 
stories of murdered civilians — men, women, and children — these 
proved to be gross exaggerations ; as almost the entire civilian 
population had long since left, any casualties resulting from the 
bombardment must have been confined to the armed forces of 
the Empire. 

I now discussed the situation for some time with Mr. Ernest 
Wevl, who was generally recognised as the leading French citizen 
in Constantinople, and with Mr. Hoffman Philip, the Conseiller 
of the Embassy, and then decided that I would go immediately 
to the Sublime Porte and protest to Enver. 

The Council of Ministers was sitting at the time, but Enver 
came out. His mood was more demonstrative than usual. As 
he described the attack of the British fleet he became extremely 
angry ; it was not the imperturbable Enver with whom I had 
become so familiar. 

" These cowardly English ! " he exclaimed. " They tried 
for a long time to get through the Dardanelles, and we were too 
much for them ! And see what kind of a revenge they are 
taking. Their ships sneak up into the outer bay, where our 
guns cannot reach them, and shoot over the hills at our little 
villages, killing harmless old men, women, and children, and 
bombarding our hospitals. Do you think we are going to let 
them do that ? And what can we do ? Our guns don't reach 
over the hills, so that we cannot meet them in battle. If we 
could, we would drive them off, just as we did at the straits a 
month ago. We have no fleet to send to England to bombard 
their unfortified towns as they are bombarding ours, so we have 
decided to move all the English and French we can find |to 
Gallipoli. Let them kill their own people as well as ours." 

T told him that, granted that the circumstances were as he 
had stated them, he had grounds for indignation. But I called 
his attention to the fact that he was wrong ; that he was accusing 
the Allies of crimes which they were not committing. 

" This is about the most barbarous thing that you have ever 
contemplated," I said. " The British have a perfect right^to 
attack a military headquarters like Gallipoli." 

But my argument did not move Enver. I became convinced 
that he had not decided on this step as a reprisal to protect his 
own countr^TTien, but that he and his associates were really 
looking for revenge. The fact that the Austrahans and New 



156 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

Zealanders had successfully effected a landing had aroused their 
most barbarous instincts. Enver referred to this landing in our 
talk. Though he professed to regard it lightly, and said that he 
would soon push the French and English into the sea, I saw that 
it was causing him much concern. The Turk, as I have said 
before, is psychologically primitive ; to answer the British 
landing at Gallipoli by murdering hundreds of helpless British 
who were in his power would strike him as perfectly logical. As 
a result of this talk I gained only a few concessions, Enver 
agreed to postpone the deportation until Thursday — it was then 
Sunday — to exclude women and children from the order, and to 
take none of the British and French who were then connected 
with American institutions. 

" All the rest will have to go," was his final word. " More- 
over," he added, " we don't purpose to have the English ships 
fire at the transports we are sending to the Dardanelles. In the 
future we shall put a few EngHshmen and Frenchmen on every 
ship we send down there as a protection to our own soldiers." 

When I returned to our Embassy I found that the news of the 
proposed deportation had been published. The amazement and 
despair that immediately resulted were unparalleled, even in that 
city of constant sensations. Europeans, by living for many 
years in the Levant, seem to acquire its emotions, particularly its 
susceptibility to fear and horror, greatly accentuated by their 
deprivation of the protection of their Embassies. A stream of 
frenzied people now began to pour into the Embassy. From 
their tears and cries one would have thought that they were 
immediately to be taken out and shot ; that there was any 
possibility of being saved seemed hardly to occur to them. Yet 
all the time they insisted that I should get individual exemptions. 
One could not go because he had a dependent family ; another 
had a sick child ; another was ill himself. My ante-room was 
full of frantic mothers, asking me to secure exemption for their 
sons, and of wives who sought special treatment for their 
husbands. They made all kinds of impossible suggestions. I 
should resign my ambassadorship as a protest ; I should even 
threaten Turkey with war by the United States ! They con- 
stantly besieged my wife, who spent hours listening to their 
stories and comforting them. In all this exciting mass there 
were many who faced the situation with more courage. 

The day after my talk with Enver, Bedri, the Prefect of 
Police, began to arrest some of the victims. 

The next morning one of my callers made what would 
ordinarily have seemed to be an obvious suggestion. This 



A Fight or Three Thousand Civilians 157 

visitor was a German. He told me that Germany would suffer 
greatly in reputation if the Turks carried out this plan ; the 
world would not possibly be convinced that Germans had not 
devised the whole scheme. He said that I should caU upon the 
German and Austrian Ambassadors ; he was sure that they would 
support me in my pleas for decent treatment. As I had made 
appeals to W'angenheim several times before on behalf of 
foreigners, without success, I had hardly thought it worth while 
to ask his co-operation in tliis instance. Moreover, the plan of 
using non-combatants as. a protective screen in warfare was such 
a familiar German device that I was not at all sure that the 
German Staff had not instigated the Turks. I decided, however, 
to adopt the advice of my German visitor and seek Wangen- 
heim's assistance. I must admit that I did this as a forlorn 
hope, but at least I thought it only fair to Wangenheim to give 
liim a chance to help. 

I called upon him in the evening at ten o'clock and stayed 
with him until eleven. I spent the larger part of this hour in a 
fruitless attempt to interest him in the pHght of these non- 
combatants. Wangenheim said point-blank that he would not 
assist me. " It is perfectly proper," he maintained, " for the 
Turks to estabhsh a concentration camp at GallipoH. It is also ' 
proper for them to put non-combatant Enghsh and French on 
their transports and thus insure them against attack." As I 
made repeated attempts to argue the matter, Wangenheim would 
deftl}- shift the conversation to other topics. According to my 
record of this talk, written out at the time, the German Am- 
bassador discussed almost every subject except the one upon 
which I had called. 

" This act of the Turks will greatly injure Germany " I 

would begin. 

" Do you know that the Enghsh soldiers at Gaba Tepe are 
without tood and drink ? " he would reply. " They made an 
attack to capture a well and were repulsed. The Enghsh have 
taken their sliips away so as to prevent their soldiers from 
retreating " 

" But about this Gallipoli business," I interrupted. " Ger- 
mans themselves here in Constantinople have said that Germany 
should stop it " 

" The Allies landed 45,000 men on the Peninsula," Wangen- 
heim answered, " and of these 10,000 were killed. In a few days 
we shall attack the rest and destroy them." 

When 1 attempted to approach the subject from another 
angle, this master diplomatist would begin discussing Rumania 



158 ' Secrets of the Bosphorus 

and the possibility of obtaining ammunition by way of that 
country. 

" Your secretary, Bryan," he said, " has just issued a state- 
ment showing that it would be unneutral for the United States to 
refuse to sell ammunition to the AUies, so we have used tliis 
same argument with the . Rumanians ; if it is unneutral not 
to seU ammunition, it is certainly unneutral to refuse to 
transport it ! " 

The humorous aspects of this argument appealed to Wangen- 
heim, but I reminded him that I was there to discuss the hves of 
between 2,000 and 3,000 non-combatants. As I touched upon 
this subject again, Wangenheim rephed that the United States 
would not be acceptable to Germany as a peacemaker now, 
because we were so friendly to the Entente. He insisted on 
giving me all the details of recent German successes in the 
Carpathians and the latest news on the Itahan situation. 

" We would rather fight Italy than have her for our ally," he 
said. 

At another time all this would have greatly entertained me, 
but not then. It was quite apparent that Wangenheim would 
not discuss the proposed deportation further than to say that 
'the Turks were justified. His statement that it was planned to 
estabhsh a " concentration camp " at GaUipoli unfolded his whole 
attitude. Up to this time the Turks had not estabhshed 
concentration camps for enemy aliens anywhere. I had earnestly 
advised them not to establish such camps, thus far with success. 
On the other hand, the Germans were protesting that Turkey was 
'' too lenient," and urging the establishment of such camps in 
the interior. Wangenheim 's use of the words " concentration 
camps in GaUipoH " showed that the German view was at last 
prevailing and that I was losing my battle for the foreigners. 

An internment camp is a distressing place under the most 
favourable circumstances, but who, except a German or a Turk, 
ever conceived of estabhshing one right in the field of battle ? 
Let us suppose that the Enghsh and the French should assemble 
aU their enemy ahens, march them to the front, and place them 
in a camp in No Man's Land, directly in the fire of both armies. 
That was precisely the kind of " concentration camp " which 
the Turks and Germans now intended to estabhsh for the resident 
ahens of Constantinople — for my talk with Wangenheim left no 
doubt in my mind that the Germans were parties to the plot. 
They feared that the land attack on the Dardanehes would 
succeed, just as they had feared that the naval attack would 
succeed, and they were prepared to use any weapon, even the 



i 



A Fight for Three Thousand Civilians 159 

lives of several thousand non-combatants, in their efforts to 
make it a failure. 

My talk with VVangenheim produced no results, so far as 
enlisting liis support was concerned, but it stiffened my detenTiina- 
tion to defeat this enterprise. I now called upon Pallavicini, the 
Austrian Ambassador. He at once declared that the proposed 
deportation was " inhuman." 

" 1 will take up the matter with the Grand Vizier," he said, 
" and see if I can stop it." 

" But you know that is perfectly useless," I answered. " The 
Grand Vizier has no power — he is only a hgurehead. Only one 
man can stop this ; that is Enver." 

Pallavicini had far hner sensibihties and a tenderer conscience 
than Wangenheim, and I had no doubt that he was entirely 
sincere in his desire to prevent this crime. But he was a diplomat 
of the old Austrian school. Nothing in his eyes was so important 
as diplomatic etiquette. As the representative of his Emperor, 
propriety demanded that he should conduct all his negotiations 
with the Grand Vizier, who was also at that time Minister of 
Foreign Aftairs. He never discussed State matters with Talaat 
and Enver — indeed, he had only limited oflicial relations with 
these men, the real rulers of Turkey. And now the saving of 
3,000 lives was not, in Pailavicini's eyes, any reason why he 
should disregard the traditional routine of diplomatic intercourse. 

" I must go strictly according to rules in tliis matter," he said. 
And, in the goodness of his heart, he did speak to Said Halim. 
Following this example, VVangenheim also spoke to the Grand 
Vizier. In Wangenheim 's case, however, the protest was merely 
intended for the official record. 

" You may fool some people," I told the German Ambassador, 
" but you know that speaking to the Grand Vizier in this matter 
is as inconsequential as shouting in the air." 

However, there was one member of the diplomatic coi"ps who 
worked whole-heartedly on behalf of the threatened foreigners. 
Tliis was M. Kolouchett, the Bulgarian Minister. As soon as he 
heard of this latest Turco-German outrage, he immediately came 
to me with offers of assistance. He did not propose to waste liis 
time by a protest to the Grand Vizier, but announced his intention 
of going immediately to the source of authority, Enver imnself. 
Kolouchefl was an extremely important man at that particular 
time, for Bulgaria was then neutral and both sides were anghng 
for her support. 

Meanwliile Bedri and his minions were busy arresting all the 
doomed EngUsh and French. The deportation was arranged to 



i6o Secrets of the Bosphorus 

take place on Thursday morning. On Wednesday the excitement 
reached the hysterical stage. It seemed as if the whole foreign 
population of Constantinople had gathered at the American 
Embassy. Scores of weeping women and haggard men assembled 
in front and at the side of the building ; more than three hundred 
gained personal access to my office, hanging desperately upon the 
Ambassador and his staff. Many almost seemed to think that I 
personally held their fates in my hand ; in their agony of spirit 
some even denounced me, insisting that I was not exerting all my 
powers on their behalf. Whenever I left my office and passed 
into the hall I was almost mobbed by scores of terror-stricken and 
dishevelled mothers and wives. The nervous tension was 
frightful ; I seized the telephone, called up Enver, and demanded 
an interview. 

He rephed that he would be happy to receive me on Thursday. 
By this time, however, the prisoners would already have been on 
their way to Gallipoli. 

" No," I replied, " I must see you this afternoon." 
Enver made all kinds of excuses ; he was busy, he had 
appointments scheduled for the whole day. 

" I presume you want to see me about the English and 
French," he said. " If that is so, I can tell you now that it will 
be useless. Our minds are made up. Orders have been issued 
to the police to gather them all by to-night and to ship them 
down to-morrow morning." 

I still insisted that I must see him that afternoon, and he still | 
attempted to dodge the interview. 

" My time is all taken," he said. " The Council of Ministers I 
sits at four o'clock, and the meeting is to be a very important one 
I can't absent myself." 

Emboldened by the thought of the crowds of women that 
were flooding the whole Embassy, I decided on an altogether 
unprecedented move. 

" I shall not be denied an interview," I replied. " I shall 
come up to the Council Room at four o'clock. If you refuse to 
receive me then, I shall insist on going into the Council Room and 
discussing the matter with the whole Cabinet. I shall be 
interested to learn whether the Turkish Cabinet will refuse to 
receive the American Ambassador." 

It seemed to me that I could ahnost hear Enver gasp over 
the telephone. I presume few responsible Ministers of any 
country have ever had such an astounding proposition made to 

them. 

" If you will meet me at the SubUme Porte at 3.30," he 



A Fight for Three Thousand Civilians i6i 

answered, after a considerable pause, " I shall arrange to see 
you." 

When I reached the Sublime Porte I was told that the 
< Bulgarian Minister was having a protracted conference with 
Enver. Naturally, I was willing to wait, for I knew what the 
two men were discussing. Presently M. Koloucheff came out ; 
his face was tense and anxious, clearly revealing the ordeal 
through which he had just passed. 

"It is perfectly hopeless," he said to me. " Nothing will 
move Enver ; he is absolutely determined that this thing shall 
go through. I cannot wish you good luck, for you will have 
none." 

The meeting which followed between Enver and myself was 

the most momentous I had had up to that time. We discussed 

the fate of the foreigners for nearly an hour. I found Enver in 

, one of his most poHte but most unyielding moods. He told me 

: before I began that it was useless to talk — that the matter was a 

'closed issue. But I insisted on telHng him what a splendid 

impression Turkey's treatment of her enemies had made on the 

outside world. " Your record in this matter is better than that 

of ^ny other beUigerent country," I said. " You have not put 

them into concentration camps, you have let them stay here and 

continue their ordinary business, just as before. You have done 

this in spite of strong pressure to act otherwise. Why do you 

destroy all the good effect this has produced by now making such 

a fatal mistake as you propose ? " 

But Enver insisted that the Allied fleets were bombarding 
unfortified towns, killing women, children, and wounded men. 

" We have warned them through you that they must not do 
this," he said, " but they don't stop." 

This statement, of course, was not true, but I could not 
persuade Enver that he was wrong. He expressed great 
appreciation for all that I had done, and regretted for my sake 
that he could not accept my advice. I told him that the 
foreigners had suggested that I threaten to give up the care of 
British and French interests. 

" Nothing would suit us better," he quickly replied. " The 
Dnly difficulty we have with you is when you come around and 
DOther us with Enghsh and French affairs." 

I asked him if I had ever given him any advice that had led 
them into trouble. He graciously repUed that they had never 
fQt made a mistake by following my suggestions. 

" Very well, take my advice in this case, too," I repHed. 
' You will find later that you have made no mistake by doing 

M 



i62 • Secrets of the Bosphorus 

so. I tell you that it is my positive opinion that your Cabinet 
is committing a terrible error by taking this step." 

" But I have given orders to this effect," Enver answered. 
" I cannot countermand them. If I did, my whole influence 
with the Army would go. Once having given an order I never 
change it. My own wife asked me to have her servants exempted 
from military service, and I refused. The Grand Vizier asked 
exemption for his secretary, and I refused him, because I had 
given orders. I never revoke orders, and I shall not do it in tliis 
case. If you can show me some way in which this order can be 
carried out, and your proteges still saved, I shall be glad to 
listen." 

I had already discovered one of the most conspicuous traits 
in the Turkish character : its tendency to compromise and to 
bargain. Enver's request for a suggestion now gave me an 
opportunity to play on this characteristic. 

" All right," I said. " I think I can. I should think you 
could still carry out your orders without sending all the French 
and English residents down. If you would send only a few you 
would still win your point. You could still maintain disciplinei 
in the Army, and these few would be as strong a deterrent to the 
AUied fleet as sending all." 

It seemed to me that Enver almost eagerly seized upon this 
suggestion as a way out of his dilemma. 

" How many will you let me send ? " he asked quickly. The 
moment he put this question I knew that I had carried my point. 

" I would suggest that you take twenty Enghsh and twenty 
French — fortj^ in all." 

" Let me have fifty," he said. 

" AU right, we won't haggle over ten," I answered. " But 
you must make another concession. Let me pick out the fifty 
who are to go." 

This agreement had reheved the tension, and now the gracious 
side of Enver's nature began to show itself again. 

" No, Mr. Ambassador," he replied. " You have prevented 
me from making a mistake this afternoon ; now let me prevent 
you from making one. If you select the fifty men who are tc 
go you will simply make fifty enemies. I think too much of you 
to let you do that. I will prove to you that I am your rea 
friend. Can't you make some other suggestion ? " 

" Why not take the youngest ? They can stand the fatigue 
best." 

" That is fair," answered ^Enver. He said that Bedri, whc 
was in the building at that moment, would select the " victims.' 

' ■ 



A Fight for Three Thousand Civilians 163 

This caused me some uneasiness. I knew that Enver's modifica- 
tion of his order would displease Bedri, whose hatred of .the 
foreigners had sho\\'n itself on many occasions, and that the 
head of the police would do his best to find some way of evading 
it. So I asked Enver to send for Bedri and give him his new 
orders in my presence. Bedri came in, and, as I had suspected, 
he did not like the new arrangement at all. As soon as he heard 
that he was to take only fifty, and the youngest, he threw up his 
hands and began to walk up and down the room. 

" No, no, this will never do ! " he said. " I don't want the 
youngest ; I must have the notables ! " 

But Enver stuck to the arrangement and gave Bedri orders 
to take only the 3'oungest men. It was quite apparent that 
Bedri needed humouring, so I asked him to ride with me to the 
American Embassy, where we would have tea and arrange all 
the details. This invitation had an instantaneous effect which 
the American mind will have difficulty in comprehending. An 
American would regard it as nothing wonderful to be seen 
pubUcly riding with an Ambassador, or to take tea at an 
Embassy. But this is a distinction which never comes to a 
minor functionary, such as a Prefect of Police, in the Turkish 
capital. Possibly I lowered the dignity of my office in extending 
this invitation to Bedri — Pallavicini would probably have 
thought so — but it certainly paid, for it made Bedri more pliable 
than he would otherwise have been. 

When we reached the Embassy we found the crowds still 
there, awaiting the results of my intercession. When I told the 
[besiegers that only fift}^ had to go, and these the youngest, they 
seemed momentarily stupefied. They could not understand it 
at first ; they believed that I might obtain some modification of 
the order, but nothing like this. Then, as the truth dawned upon 
them, I found myself in the centre of a crowd that had apparently 
gone momentarily insane, this time not from grief, but from joy. 
iWomen, the tears streaming down their faces, insisted on throw- 
ing themselves on their knees, seizing both my hands, and 
[covering them with kisses. Mature men, despite my violent 
protestations, persisted in hugging me and kissing me on both 
cheeks. For several minutes I struggled with this crowd, 
embarrassed by its demonstrations of gratitude, but finally 1 
succeeded in breaking away and secreting myself and Bedri in an 
inner room. 

" Can't I have a few notables ? " he asked. 

" I'li give you just one," I replied. 

" Can't I have three ? " he asked again. 



i6_( Secrets of the Bosphorus 

" You can have all who are under fifty," I answered. 

But that did not satisfy him, as there was not a solitary 
person of distinction under that- age limit. Bedri really had his 
eye on Messieurs Weyl, Rey, and Dr. Frew. But I had one 
" notable " up my sleeve whom I was willing to concede. Dr. 
Wigram, an Anglican clergyman, one of the most prominent men 
in the foreign colony, had pleaded with me, asking that he might 
be permitted to go with the hostages and furnish them such 
consolation- as religion could give them. I knew that nothing 
would delight Dr. Wigram more than to be thrown as a sop to 
Bedri 's passion for " notables." 

" Dr. Wigram is the only notable you can have," I said to 
Bedri. So he accepted him as the best that he could do in that 
line. 

Mr. Hoffman Philip, fhe ConseiUer of the American Embassy 
— ^now American Minister to Colombia — had already expressed a 
desire to accompany the hostages, so that he migh't minister to 
their comfort. This was nothing new in the manifestation of a fine 
hmnanitarian spirit in Mr. Philip. Although not in good health, 
Mr. Philip had returned to Constantinople after Turkey had 
entered the war in order that he might assist me in the work of 
caring for the refugees. Through aU that arduous period he 
constantly displayed that S57mpathy for the unfortunate, the 
sick, and the poor which is innate in his character. Though it 
was somewhat irregular for a representative of the Embassy to 
engage in such a hazardous enterprise as this one, Mr. Philip 
pleaded so earnestly that finally I reluctantly gave my consent. 
I also obtained permission for Mr. Arthur RuU and Mr. Henry 
West Suydam, of the Brooklyn Eagle, to accompany the party. 

At the end Bedri had to have his little joke. Though the 
fifty were informed that the boat for Galhpoli would leave the 
next morning at six o'clock, Bedri, with his police, visited their; 
houses at midnight, and routed them all out of bed. The crowd 
that assembled at the dock the next morning looked somewhat 
weatherbeaten and worse for wear. Bedri was there, superin- 
tending the whole proceeding, and when he came up to me he 
good-naturedly reproached me again for letting him have only 
one " notable." In the main he behaved very decently, though 
he could not refrain from telling the hostages that the British 
aeroplanes were dropping bombs on Gallipoli ! Of the twenty 
five " Englishmen " assembled, there were only two who had 
been bom in England, and, of the twenty -five " Frenchmen," 
only two who had been born in France ! They carried satchels 
containing food and other essentials, their assembled relatives 



A Fight for Three Thousand Civilians 165 

had additional bundles, and Mrs. Morgenthau sent several large 
(Mses of food to the ship. The parting of these young men with 
their families was affecting, but they all stood it bravely. 

I returned to the Embassy, somewhat wearied by the excite- 
ment of the last few days and in no particularly gracious humour 
for the honour which now awaited mc. For I had been there 
only a few minutes when His Excellency the German Ambassa- 
dor was announced. Wangenheim discussed commonplaces for 
a few minutes and then approached the real object of liis call. 
He asked me to telegraph to Washington that he had been 
" helpful " in getting the number of the GallipoU hostages 
reduced to fifty ! In view of the actual happenings, this request 
was so preposterous that I almost laughed in his face. I had 
known that, in going through the form of speaking to the Grand 
Vizier, Wangenheim had been manufacturing an aUbi for future 
use, but I had not expected him to fall back upon it so soon. 

".Well," said Wangenheim, " at least telegraph your Govern- 
ment that I didn't ' hetz ' the Turks in this matter." 

The German verb " hetzen " means about the same as the 
English " sic," in the sense of inciting a dog. I was in no mood 
to give Wangenheim a clean bill of health, and told liim so. In 
fact, I specifically reported to Wasliingt,on that he had refused 
to help me. A day or two afterward Wangenheim called me on 
the telephone and began to talk in an excited and angry tone. 
' His Government had wired him about my telegram to Washing- 
1 ' >n. I told him that if he desired credit for assistance in raatter.S 
uf this kind he should really exert himself and do something. 

The hostages had an uncomfortable time at Gallipoli ; they 
were put into two wooden houses, with no beds, and no food 
except that which they had brought themselves. The days and 
[ nights were made wretched by the abundant vermin that is a 
commonplace in Turkey. Had Mr. Phihp not gone with them, 
they would have suffered seriously. After the unfortunates had 
been there for a few days I began work with Enver again to get 
them back. Sir Edward Grey, then British Secretary for Foreign 
Affairs, had requested our State Department to send me a message 
with the request that I present it to Enver and his fellow 
Ministers. Its purport was that the British Government would 
hold them personally responsible for any injury to the hostages. 
I presented this message to Enver on May gth. I had seen 
Enver in many moods, but the unbridled rage which Sir Edward's 
admonition now caused was something entirely new. As I read 
the telegram his face became livid, and he absolutely lost control 
of himself. The European polish which Eaver had sedulously 



1 66 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

acquired dropped like a mask ; I now saw him for what he really 
was — a savage, blood-thirsty Turk. 

" They will not come back ! " he shouted. " I shall let them 
stay there until they rot ! 

'" I would like to see those English touch me ! " he continued. 
I saw that the method which I had adopted with Enver, that of 
persuasion, was the only possible way of handling him. I tried 
to soothe the Minister now, and, after a while, he quieted down. 

" But don't ever threaten me again ! " he said. 

After spending a week at Gallipoh, the partj' returned. The 
Turks had moved their military headquarters from Gallipoli, and 
the English fleet, therefore, ceased to bombard it. AH came 
back in good condition and were welcomed home with great 
enthusiasm. 



CHAPTER XX 

MORE ADVENTURES OF .THE FOREIGN RESIDENTS 

The Gallipoli deportation gives some idea of. my difficulties in 
attempting to fulfil my duty as the representative of Allied 
interests in the Ottoman Empire. Yet, despite these occasional 
outbursts of hatred, in the main the Turkish officials themselves 
behaved very well. They had promised me at. the beginning 
that they would treat their ahcn enemies decently, and would 
permit them either to remain in Turkey, and follow their accus- 
tomed occupations, or to leave the Empire. They apparently 
beheved that the world would judge them, after the v/ar was over, 
not by the way they treated their own subject peoples, but by 
the way they treated the subjects of the enemy Powers. The 
result was that a Frenchman, an Enghshman, or an Italian 
enjoyed far greater security in Turkey than an Armenian, a 
Greek, or a Jew. Yet against this disposition to be decent a 
persistent malevolent force was constantly manifesting itself. 

In a letter to the State Department I described the influence 
that was working against foreigners in Turkey. " The German 
Ambassador," I wrote in substance, " keeps pressing on the Turks 
the advisabihty both of repressive measures and of detaining as 
hostages the subjects of the belhgerent Powers. I have had to 
encounter the persistent opposition of my German colleague in 
endeavouring to obtain permission for the departure of the 
subjects of the nationahties under our protection." 

Now and then the Turkish officials would retahate upon one 
of their enemy ahens, usually in reprisal for some injury, or 
fancied injury, inflicted on their own subjects in enemy countries. 
Such acts gave rise to many exciting episodes, some tragical, some 
farcical, all iDuminating in the hght they shed upon Turkish 
character and upon Teutonic methods. 

One afternoon I was sitting with Talaat, discussing routine 
matters, when his telephone rang. 

" Pour vous," said the Minister, handing me the receiver. 

It was one of my secretaries. He told me that Bedri had 
arrested Sir Edwin PearS/ had thrown him into prison, and had 
seized all his papers. Sir Edwin was one of the bcsl-known 
British residents of Constantinople. For forty years he had 



iC8 Secrets of the Bosphoruis 



I 



practised law in the Ottoman capital ; he had also written much 
for the Press during that period, and had published several books 
which had given him fame as an authority on Oriental history 
and politics. He was about eighty years old and of venerable! 
and distinguished appearance. When the war started I had 
exacted a special promise from Talaat and Bedri that in no event i 
should Sir Edwin Pears and Prof. Van Millingen, of Robert College, 
be disturbed. This telephone message which I now received — 
curiously enough, in Talaat's presence — seemed to indicate that 
this promise had been broken. 

I now turned to Talaat and spoke in a manner that made no 
attempt to conceal my displeasure. 

" Is this all your promises are worth ? " I asked. " Can't you 
find anything better to do than to molest such a respectable old 
man as Sir Edwin Pears ? What has he ever done to you ? " 

" Come, come, don't get excited," rejoined Talaat. " He's 
only been in prison for a few hours, and I will see that, he is 
released." 

He tried to get Bedri on the wire, but failed. By this time I 
knew Bedri well enough to understand his method of operation. 
When Bedri really wished to be reached on the telephone he was 
the most accessible man in the world ; when his presence at the 
other end of the wire might prove embarrassing the most 
painstaking search could not reveal his whereabouts. As Bedri 
had given me his solemn promise that Sir Edwin should not be 
disturbed, this was an occasion when the Prefect of Police pre- 
ferred to keep himself inaccessible. 

" I shall stay in this room until you get Bedri," I now told 
Talaat. The big Turk took the situation good-humouredly. We 
waited a considerable period, but Bedri succeeded in avoiding an 
encounter. Finally I called up one of my secretaries and told 
him to go out and hunt for the missing Prefect. 

" Tell Bedri," I said, " that I have Talaat under arrest in his 
own ofhce, and that I shall not let him leave it until he has been 
able to instruct Bedri to release Sir Edwin Pears." 

Talaat was greatly enjoying the comedy of the situation. He 
knew Bedri's ways even better than I did, and he was much 
interested in seeing whether I sh*ould succeed in finding him. 
But in a few moments the telephone rang. It was Bedri. I told 
Talaat to tell him that I was going to the prison in my own 
automobile to get Sir Edwin Pears. 

" Please don't let him do that," replied Bedri. " Such an 
occurrence would make me personal!}' ridiculous and destroj- m}- 
influence." 



More Adventures of the Foreign Residents i6g 

"Very well," I replied, "I shall wait until 6.15. If Sir 
Edwin is not restored to his family by that time I shall go to 
the Police Headquarters and get him." 
B As I returned to the Embassy I stopped at the Pears' residence 
and attempted to soothe Lady Pears and her daughter. 

" If your father is not here at 6.15," I told Miss Pears, 
" please let me know immediately." 

Promptly at that time my telephone rang. It was Miss 
Pears, who informed me that Sir Edwin had just reached home. 

The next day Sir Edwin called at the Embassy to thank me 
for my efforts on his behalf. He told me that the German Am- 
bassador had also worked for his release. This latter statement 
naturally surprised me ; I knew no one else had had a chance 
i to do anything, as everything transpired while I was in Talaat's 
I office. Half an hour afterward I met Wangenheim himself ; 
he dropped in at Mrs. Morgenthau's reception. I referred to the 
Pears case and asked him whether he had used any influence in 
* securing his release. M}^ question astonished him greatly. 

" What ? " he said. " I helped you to secure his release ! 
Der cite gmmer ! (The old rascal.) Why, I was the man who 
had him arrested ! 

" What have 3^ou got against him ? " I asked. 

" In 1876," Wangenheim replied, " that man was pro-Russian 
and against Turkey ! " 

Such are the long memories of the Germans ! ^ In 1876 Sir 
Edwin wrote several articles for the London Daily News des- 
cribing the Bulgarian massacres. At that time the reports of 
these fiendish atrocities were generally disbelieved, and Sir 
Edwin's letters placed all the incontrovertible facts before the 
English-speaking peoples and had much to do with the emancipa- 
tion of Bulgaria from Turkish rule. This act of humanity and 
journahstic statesmanship had brought Sir Edwin much fame, 
and now, after forty years, Germany proposed to punish him by 
casting him into a Turkish prison ! Again the Turks proved 
more considerate than their German allies, for they not only 
gave Sir Edwin Ms liberty and his papers, but permitted him to 
return to London. 

Bedri, however, was a little mortified at my successful 
intervention in tliis instance, and decided to even up the score. 
Next to Sir Edwin Pears, the most prominent English-speaking 
barrister in Constantinople was Dr. Mizzi, a Maltese, seventy 
years old. The ruling powers had a grudge against him, for he 
was the proprietor of the Levant Heyald, a paper which had 
published articles criticising the Union and Progress Committee. 



170 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

On the very night of the Pears episode Bedri went to Dr. Mizzi's 
house at eleven o'clock, routed the old gentleman out Of bed, 
arrested him, and placed him on a train for Angora, in Asia 
Minor. As a terrible epidemic of typhus was raging in Angora, 
this was not a desirable place of residence for a man of Dr. Mizzi's 
years. The next morning, when I heard of it for the first time, 
Dr. Mizzi was well on the way to his place of exile. 

" This time I got ahead of you ! " said Bedri, with a trium- 
phant laugh. He Was as good-natured about it and as pleased 
as a boy. At last he had " put one over " on the American 
Arnbassador, who had been unguardedly asleep in his bed when 
this old man had been railroaded to a fever camp in Asia Minor. 

But Bedri's success was not so complete, after' all. At my 
request Talaat had Dr. Mizzi sent to Konia, instead of to Angora. 
There one of the American missionaries. Dr. Dodd, had a splendid 
hospital. I arranged that Dr. Mizzi could have a nice room in 
this building, and here he lived for several months, with congenial 
associates, good food, a healthy atmosphere, all the books he 
wanted, and one thing without v/hich he would have been 
utterly miserable — a piano. So I still thought that the honours 
between Bedri and myself v/ere a Httle better than even. 

When the Enghsh authorities arrested the Turkish Consul 
and his staff at Saloniki, the Turks promptly imprisoned nine 
leading members of the French colony. It took me nearly three 
weeks to have them released. Early in January, 1916, word was 
received that the Enghsh were maltreating Turkish war prisoners 
in Egypt. Soon afterward I received letters from two AustraUans, 
Commander Stoker and Lieutenant Fitzgerald, teUing me that 
they had been confined for eleven days in a miserable, damp 
dungeon at the War Office, with no companions except a mon- 
strous swarm of vermin. These two naval officers had come; to 
Constantinople in submarines which had made the daring trip 
from England, dived under the mines in the Dardanelles, and 
arrived in the Mannora, where for several weeks they terrorised 
and dominated tliis inland sea, practically putting an end to all 
shipping. 

The particular submarine in which mj^ correspondents 
arrived, the £15, had been caught in the Dardanelles, and its 
crew and officers had been sent to the Turkish mihtary prison at 
x\fium Kara Hissar in Asia Minor. When news of the alleged 
maltreatment of Turkish prisoners in Egypt was received, lots 
were drawn among these prisoners to see which two should be 
taken to Constantinople and imprisoned in reprisal. Stoker and 
Fitzgerald drew the unlucky numbers, and had been lying in this 



More Adventures of the Foreign Residents 171 

tefrible underground cell for eleven 'days. I immediately took 
the matter up with Enver and suggested that a neutral doctor 
and officer examine the Turks in Egypt and report on the truth 
1 the stories. Wc promptly received word that the report was 
i.ilie, and that, as a matter of fact, the Turkish prisoners in 
English hands were receiving excellent treatment. 

About tliis time I called on Monsignor Dolci, the Apostolic 
Delegate in Tm-key. He happened to refer to a Lieutenant 
Fitzgerald, who, he said, was then a prisoner of war at Afium 
Kara Hissar. 

" I am much interested in him," said Monsignor Dolci, 
" because he is engaged to the daughter of the British Minister to 
the Vatican. I spoke to Enver about him, and he promised that 
he would receive special treatment." 

" What is his first name ? " I asked. • ' 

"Jeffrey." 

" Ho's receiving 'special treatment' indeed," I answered. 
" Do you know that he is in a dungeon in Constantinople this 
very moment ? " • 

Naturally M. Dolci was much disturbed, but I reassured him, 
saying that his protege would be released in a few days. 

" You see how shamefully you treated these young men," I 
now said to Enver ; " you should do something to make amends." 

" All right; what would you suggest ? " 

Stoker and Fitzgerald were prisoners of war, and, according 
to the usual rule, would have been sent back to the prison camp 
after being released from their dungeon. I now proposed that' 
Enver should give them a vacation of eight days in Constanti- 
nople. He entered into the spirit of the occasion, and the men were 
released. They certainly presented a sorry sight ; they had 
spent twenty-five days in the dungeon, v/ith no chance to bathe- 
or to shave, with no change of hnen or any of the decencies of 
life! But Mr. Pliilip took charge, furnished them the necessaries, 
and in a brief period vv^e had before us two young and handsome 
British naval officers. Their eight days' freedom turned out to 
be a triumphal procession, notwithstanding that they were 
always accompanied by an English-speaking Turkish- oiacer. 
Monsignor Dolci and the American Embassy entertained them at 
dinner, and they had a pleasant visit to the Gfrls' College. When 
the time came to return to their prison camp, the young men 
declared that they would be glad to spend another month in 
dungeons if they could have a corresponding period of freedom 
in the city when hberated. 

In spite of all that has happened I shall always have a kindly 



172 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

feeling toward Enver for his treatment of Fitzgerald. I told the 
Minister of War about the lieutenant's engagement. 

" Don't you think he's been" punished enough ? " I asked. 
" Why don't you let the boy go home and marry his sweet- 
h'eart ? " , ' , . 

The proposition immediately, appealed to Enver 's senti^ 

mental side. 

" I'll do it," he repHed, " if he will give me his word of honour 
not to fight against Turkey any more." 

Fitzgerald naturally gave this promise, and so his com- 
paratively brief stay in the dungeon had the result of freeing him 
from imprisonment and restoring him to happiness. As poor 
Stoker had formed no romantic attachments that would have 
justified a similar plea in his case, he had to go back to the prison 
in Asia Minor. He did this, however, in a genuinely sporting 
spirit that was worthy of the best traditions of the British Navy. 



CHAPTER XXI 

* , BULGARIA ON THE AUCTION BLOCK 

' The failure of the Allied fleet at the Dardanelles did not definitely 
settle the fate of Constantinople. Naturally the Turks and the 
Germans felt immensely relieved when the fleet sailed away. 
But they were by no means entirely easy in their mind. The 
most direct road to the ancient capital still remained available 
to their enemies. 

In early September, 1915, one of the most influential Germans 
in the city gave me a detailed explanation of the prevaiUng 
mihtary situation. He summed up the whole matter in the 
single phrase : 

" We cannot hold the Dardanelles without the military 
support of Bulgaria." 

This meant, of course, that unless Bulgaria adopted the cause 
of Turkey and the Central Powers, the Gallipoli expedition' 
would succeed, Constantinople would fall, the Turkish Empire 
. would collapse, Russia would be recreated as an economic and 
military power, and the war, in a comparatively brief period, 
would terminate in a victory for the Entente. Not improbably 
the real neutraUty of Bulgaria would have had the same result. 
It is thus perhaps not too much to say that, in September and 
October of 1915, the Bulgarian Government held the duration of 
the war in its hands. 

This fact is of such pre-eminent importance that I can hardly 
emphasise it too strongly. I suggest that my readers take down* 
the map of a part of the world with which they are not very 
familiar — that of the Balkan States, as determined by the 
Treaty of Bucharest. All that remains of European Turkey is 
a small irregular area stretching, perhaps, one hundred miles west 
of Constantinople. The nation whose land is contiguous every- 
where to Turkey is Bulgaria. The main railroad line to Western 
Europe starts at Constantinople and runs through Bulgaria, .by 
way of Adrianople, Phillipopolis, and Sofia. At that time 
Bulgaria could create an army of 500,000 well-trained, completely 
organised troops. Should these once start marching toward 
Constantinople there was practically nothing to bar their way. 
Turkey had a considerable army, it is true, but it was then 



174 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

finding plenty of emploj/ment repelling the Allied forces at the 
Dardanelles and the Russians in the Caucasus. With Bulgaria 
hostile, Turkey could obtain neither troops nor munitions from 
Germany. Turkey would have been completely isolated, and, 
. under the pounding of Bulgaria, would have disappeared as a 
military force, and as a European State, in one very brief 
campaign. 

I wish to direct particular attention to this railroad, for it 
was, after all, the main strategic prize for wliich Germany was 
contending. After leaving Sofia, it crosses north-eastern Serbia, 
the most important stations being at Nish and Belgrade. From 
the latter point it crosses the River Save and, later, the River 
Danube, and thence pursues its course to Budapest and Vienna 
and thence to Berlin. Practically all the military operations 
that took place in the Balkans in 1915-16 had for their ultimate 
object the possession of this road. Once holding this line. 
Turkey and Germany would no longer be separated ; economic- 
ally and militarily they would become a unit. 

The Dardanelles, as I have described, was the Hnk that 
connected Russia with her alHes ; with this passage closed, 
Russia's collapse rapidly followed. The valley of the Morava 
and the Maritza, .in" which this railroad is laid, constituted 
for Turkey a kind of waterless Dardanelles. In her possession 
it gave her access to her allies ; in ithe possession of her 
enemies, the Ottoman Empire would go to pieces. Only the 
accession of Bulgaria to the Teutonic cause could give the 
Turks and Germans this advantage. As soon as Bulgaria 
entered, that section of the railroad extending to the Serbian 
frontier would at once become available. If Bulgaria joined the 
Central Powers as an active participant, the conquest of Serbia 
would inevitably foUov/, and tliis would give the link extending 
'from Nish to Belgrade to the Teutonic Powers. Thus the Bul- 
garian alUance would make Constantinople a suburb of Berlin, 
place all the resources of the Krupps at the disposal of the 
Turkish Army, make inevitable the failure of the Allied attack 
on GaUipoh, and lay the foundation of that Oriental Empire 
which had been for thirty years the mainspring of German 
policy. 

It is thus apparent what my German friend meant when, in 
early September, he said that, " without Bulgaria we cannot 
hold the Dardanelles." Everybody sees this so clearly now 
that there is a prevalent belief that Germany had arranged this 
Bulgarian alliance before the outbreak of the war. On this 
point I have no information. That the Bulgarian King and the 



Bulgaria on the Auction Block i 



/D 



Kaiser may have arranged this co-operation in advance is not 
unHkely. But we must not make the mistake of bcHeving that 
'this settled the matter, for the experiences of the last few years 
show us that treaties are not always lived up to. Whether 
there was an understanding or not, I know that the Turkish 
officials and the Germans by no means regarded it as settled 
that Bulgaria would take their side. In their talks with me 
they constantly showed thfe utmost apprehension over the 
outcome ; and at one time the fear was general that Bulgaria 
would take the side of the Entente. 

I had my first personal contact with the Bulgarian negotia- 
tions in the latter part of May, when I was informed that M. 
Koloucheff, the Bulgarian Minister, had notified Robert College 
that the Bulgarian students could not remain in Constantinople 
until the end of the college year, but would have to return home 
by June 5th. The College for Women had also received word 
that all the Bulgarian girls must return at the same time. Both 
these American institutions had man}/ Bulgarian students, in 
most cases splendid representatives of • their country ; it is 
through these colleges, indeed, that the distant United States 
and Bulgaria had estabhshed such friendly relations. But they 
had never had such an experience before. 

Everybody was discussing the meaning of this move. It 
seemed quite apparent. The chief topic of conversation at that 
time was Bulgaria. Would she enter the war ? If so, on which 
side vv'ould she cast her fortunes ? One day it was reported that 
she would join the Entente ; the next day that she had decided 
to ally herself with the Central Powers. The prevailing behef 
was that she was actively bargaining with both sides and looldng 
for the highest terms. Should Bulgaria go with the Entente, 
however, it would be undesirable to have any Bulgarian subjects 
marooned in Turkey. As the boys and girls in the American 
colleges usually came from important Bulgarian famihes — one 
of the girls was the daughter of General Ivanoff, who led the Bul- 
garian Armies in the Balkan Wars — the Bulgarian Government 
might naturally have a particular interest in their safety. 

The conclusion reached by most people was that Bulgaria 
had decided to take the side of the Entente. The news rapidly 
spread throughout Constantinople. The Turks were particularly 
impressed. Dr. Patrick, President of Constantinople College, 
arranged a special hurried gathering for her Bulgarian students, 
which I attended. It was a sad occasion, more hke a 
funeral than the festivity that usually took place. I found the 
Bulgarian girls almost in a hysterical state ; they aU believed 



176 Secrets of thjg Bosphorus 

• 

that war was coming immediately, and that they were being 
bundled home merely to prevent them from falling into the 
clutches of the Turks. My sjonpathies were so aroused that we 
brought them down to the American Embassy, -where we all 
spent a dehghtful evening. After dinner the girls dried their 
eyes and entertained us by singing many of their beautiful 
Bulgarian songs, and what had started as a mournful day thus 
had a happy ending. Next morning the girls all left for Bulgaria. 

A few weeks afterwards the Bulgarian Minister told me that 
the Government had summoned the students home merely for 
poUtical effect. There was no immediate likelihood of war, he 
said, but Bulgaria wished Germany and Turkey to understand 
that there was still a chance that she might join the Entente. 
Bulgaria, as all of us suspected, was apparently on the auction 
block. 

The one fixed fact in the Bulgarian position was the 
determination to have Macedonia. Everything, said Koloucheff, 
depended upon that. His conversations reflected the general 
Bulgarian view that Bulgaria had fairly won this territory in the 
■ first Balkan War, that the Powers had unjustly permitted her to 
be deprived of it, that it was Bulgarian by race, language,, and 
tradition, and that there could be no permanent peace in the 
Balkans until it was returned to its rightful possessors. But 
Bulgaria insisted on more than a promise, to be redeemed after 
the war was over ; she demanded immediate occupation. Once 
Macedonia was turned over to Bulgaria, she would join her 
forces to those of the Entente. There were two great prizes in 
the game then being played in the Balkans : one' was Macedonia, 
which Bulgaria must have, and the other Constantinople, which 
Russia was determined to get. Bulgaria was entirely willing 
that Russia should have Constantinople if she herself could 
obtain Macedonia. 

I was given to understand that the Bulgarian General Staff 
had plans all completed for the capture of Constantinople, and 
that they had shown these plans to the Entente. Their pro- 
gramme called for a Bulgarian army of 300,000 men advancing 
upon Constantinople, twenty-three days from the time the signal 
to start should be given — but promises of Macedonia would not 
sirffice ; they must have possession. 

Bulgaria recognised the difficulties of the Allied position. 
She did not beUeve that Serbia and Greece would voluntarily 
surrender Macedonia, nor did she believe that the Allies would 
dare to take this country aWay from them by force. In that 
event, she thought that there vas a danger that Serbia might 




^ 



Bulgaria on the Auction Block 177 

make a separate peace with the Central Powers. On the other 
hand, Bulgaria would object if Serbia received Bosnia and 
Herzegovina as compensation for the loss of Macedonia ; she 
felt that an enlarged Serbia would be a constant menace to her, 
and hence a future menace to peace in the Balkans. Thus the 
situation was extremely difhcult and comphcated. 

One of the best informed men in Turkey was Paul Weitz, 
the correspondent of the Frankjiirter Zeiiting. Weitz was more 
J than a journaUst ; he had spent thirty years in Constantinople, 
\ had the most intimate personal knowledge of Turkish affairs, 
and he was the confidant and adviser of the German Embassy. 
His duties there were really semi-diplomatic. Weitz had really 
been one of the most successful agencies in the German penetra- 
tion of Turkey ; it was common talk that he knew every im- 
portant man in the Turkish Empire, the best way to approach 
him, and his price. I had several talks with Weitz about 
Bulgaria during those critical August and early September days. 
He said many times that it was not at all certain that she would 
join her forces with Gennany. Yet on September 7th Weitz 
, came to me with important news. The situation had changed 
overnight. Baron Neurath, the Conseiller of the German 
Embassy at Constantinople, had gone to Sofia, and, as a result 
: of his visit, an agreement had been signed that would make 
I Bulgaria Germany's ally. 

Germany, said Weitz, had won over Bulgaria by doing 

■ something which the Entente had not been able and willing to do. 

I It had secured her the immediate possession of a piece of coveted 

: territory. Serbia had refused to give Bulgaria immediate 

J possession of Macedonia ; Turkey, on the other hand, had now 

surrendered a piece of the Ottoman Empire. The amount of 

land in question, it is true, was apparently insignificant, yet it 

had great strategic advantages and represented a genuine 

-a orifice by Turkey. 

The Maritza River, a few miles north of Enos, bends 
to the east, to the north, and then to the west again, 
< reating a block of territory with an area of nearly 1,000 
square miles, including the important cities of Demotica, Kara- 
ngatch, and half of Adrianople. What makes this land par- 
ticularly important is that it contains about fifty miles of the 
railroad which runs from Dedeagatch to Sofia. All this rail- 
I oad, that is except this fifty miles, is laid in Bulgarian territory ; 
this short strip, extending through Turkey, cuts Bulgaria's 
commimications with the Mediterranean. Naturally Bulgaria 
yearned for this strip of land, and Turkey now handed it over 

N 



lyU Secrets of the Bosphofus 

to her. This cession cleared up the whole Balkan situation and 
made Bulgaria an ally of Turkey and the Central Powers. 
Besides the railroad, Bulgaria obtained that part of Adrianople 
which lay west of the Maritza River. In addition, of course, 
Bulgaria was to receive Macedonia as soon as that province 
could be occupied by Bulgaria and her allies. 

I vividly remember the exultation of Weitz when tliis agree- 
ment was signed. 

" It's all settled," he told me. " Bulgaria has decided to 
join us. It was all arranged last night at Sofia." 

The Turks also were greatly relieved. For the first time 
they saw the way out of their troubles. The Bulgarian arrange- 
ment, Enver told me, had taken a tremendous weight off their 
minds. 

" We Turks are entitled to the credit," he said, " of bringing 
Bulgaria in on the side of the Central Powers. She would never 
have come to our assistance if we hadn't given her that slice of 
land. By surrendering it immediately, and not waiting until the 
end of the war, we showed our good faith. It was very hard for 
us to do it, of course, especially to give up part of the city of 
Adrianople, but it was worth the price. We really surrendered 
this territory in exchange for Constantinople, for if Bulgaria had 
not come in on our side we v/ould have lost this city. Just 
think how enormously we have improved our position. We have 
had to keep more tlian 200,000 men at the Bulgarian frontier, to 
protect us against any possible attack from that quarter. We 
can now transfer all these troops to the GaUipoU Peninsula, and 
thus make it absolutely impossible that the AlHes' expedition 
can succeed. We are also greatly hampered at the Dardanelles 
by the lack of ammunition. But Bulgaria, Austria, and Ger- 
many are to make a joint attack on Serbia and will completely 
control that country in a few weeks, so we shall have a direct 
railroad line from Constantinople into Austria and Gi^rmany and 
can get all the war supplies which we need. With Bulgaria on 
our side no attack can be made on Constantinople from the 
north ; we have created an impregnable bulwark against 
Russia. 

" I do not deny that the situation has caused us great anxiety. 
We were afraid that Greece and Bulgaria would join hands, and 
that would also bring in Rumania. Then Turkey would have 
been lost ; they would have had us between a pair of pincers. 
But now we have only one task before us, that is to drive the 
Enghsh and French at the Dardanelles into the sea. With aU 
the soldiers and all the ammunition which we need, we shall do 



Bulgaria on the Auction Block 179 

this in a very short time. We gave up that piece of land because 
we saw that that was the way to win the war." 

The outcome justified Enver's prophecies in almost every 
detail. Three months after Bulgaria accepted the Teutonic 
bribe the Entente admitted defeat and withdrew its forces from 
the Dardanelles, and with this withdrawal Russia, which was 
the greatest potential source of strength to the AUied cause, and 
the country which, properly organised and supplied, might have 
brought the Allies a speedy triumph, disappeared as a vital 
factor in the war. When the British and French withdrew from 
GaUipoH they turned adrift this huge hulk of a country to 
flounder to anarchy, dissolution, and ruin. 

The Germans celebrated this great triumph in a way that was 
characteristically Teutonic. In their minds, January 17th, 
1916, stands out as one of the great dates in the war. There 
was great rejoicing in Constantinople, for the first Balkan express 
— or, as the Gemians called it, the Balkanzug — was due to 
arrive that afternoon. The railroad station was decorated with 
flags and flowers, and the whole German and Austrian population 
of Constantinople, including the Embassy staffs, assembled to 
welcome the incoming train. As it finally rolled into the station, 
thousands of " hochs " went up frcm as many raucous throats. 

Since that January 17th, 1916, the Balkanzug has run 
regularly from Berlin to Constantinople. The Germans beheve 
that it is as permanent a feature of the new Germanic Empire 
as the hne from Berlin to Hamburg. 



CHAPTER XXII 

THE TURK REVERTS TO THE ANCESTRAL TYPE 

The defeat of the English fleet at the Dardanelles had con- 
sequences which the world does not yet completely understand. 
The practical effect of the event, as I have said, was to isolate 
the Turkish Empire from all the world, excepting Germany and 
Austria. England, France, Russia, and Italy, which for a 
century had held a threatening hand over the Ottoman Empire, 
had now lost all power to influence or control. The Turks now 
perceived that a series of dazzhng events had changed them 
from cringing dependents of the European Powers into free 
agents. For the first time in two centuries they could now live 
their national hfe according to their own inchnations and 
govern their peoples according to their own will. The first 
expression of this rejuvenated national life was an episode 
which, so far as I know, is the most terrible in the liistory of the 
world. New Turkey, freed from European tutelage, celebrated 
its national rebirth by murdering not far from a million of its 
own subjects. 

I can hardly exaggerate the effect which the repulse of the 
AlUed fleet produced upon the Turks. They believed that they 
had won the really great decisive battle of the war. For several 
centuries, they said, the British fleet had victoriously sailed the 
seas, and had now met its first serious reverse at the hands of the 
Turks. In the first moments of their pride the Young Turk 
leaders now saw visions of the complete resurrection of their 
Empire. What had for two centuries been a decaying nation 
had suddenly started on a new and glorious Hfe. In their pride 
and arrogance the Turks began to look with disdain upon the 
people who had taught them what they knew of modern warfare, 
and nothing angered them so much as any suggestion that they 
owed any part of their success to their German allies. 

" Why should we feel any obligation to the Germans ? " 
Enver would say to me. " What have they done for us which 
compares with what we have done for them ? They have lent 
us some money and sent us a few officers, it is true, but see what 
we have done ! We have defeated the British fleet — something 
which the Germans and no other nation could do. We have 



The Turk Reverts to the Ancestral Type i8i 

stationed laii;*' armies in the Caucasus, and so have kept busy 
large bodies of Russian troops that would have been used on the 
Western front. Similarly we have compelled England to keej) 
large armies in Egypt and Mesopotamia, and in that way we have 
weakened the Allied armies in France. No, the Germans could 
never have acliieved their military successes without us ; the 
shoe of obligation is entirely on their foot." 

This conviction possessed all the leading men in Turkey, and 
now began to have a determining effect upcm Turkish national 
life and Turkish policy. Essentially the Turk is a bully and a 
coward ; he is as brave as a lion when things are going his way, but 
cringing, abject, and nerveless when reverses are overwhelming 
him. And now that the fortunes of war were apparently favour- 
ing the Empire, I began to see an entirely new Turk unfolding 
before my eyes. The hesitating and fearful Ottoman, feeling his 
way cautiously amid the mazes of European diplomacy, and 
seeking opportunities to find an advantage for himself in the 
divided counsels of the European Powers, now gave place to an 
upstanding, almost dashing, figure, proud and assertive, deter- 
mined to live his own hfe and absolutely contemptuous of his 
Chiistian foes. 

I was really witnessing a remarkable development in race 
psychology — an almost classical instance of reversion to type. 
The ragged, unkempt Turk of the twentieth century was 
vanishing, and in his place was appearing the Turk of the 
fourteenth and the fifteenth, the Turk who had swept out 
of his Asiatic fastnesses, conquered all the powerful peoples in 
his way, and founded in Asia, Africa, and Europe one of the 
most extensive empires that history has known. If we are 
properly to appreciate this new Talaat and Enver, and the events 
which now took place, we must understand the Turk who, under 
Osman and his successor, exercised this mighty but devastating 
influence in the world. We must realise that the basic fact 
underlying the Turkish m.entahty is its utter contempt for all 
other races. A fairly insane pride is the element that largely 
explains this strange human species. The common term applied 
by the Turk to the Christian is " dog," and in his estimation this 
is no mere rhetorical figure ; he actually looks upon his European 
neighbours as far less worthy of consideration than his own 
domestic animals. 

" My son," an old Turk once said, " do you see that herd 
of swine ? Some are white, some are black, some are large, 
some are small ; they differ from each other in some respects, 
but thev are all swine. So it is with Christians. Be not 



i?2 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

deceived, my son. These Cliristians may wear fine clothes, their 
women may be very beautiful to look upon ; their skins are 
white and splendid ; many of them are very intelligent, and they 
build wonderful cities and create what seem to be great States. 
But remember that underneath all this dazzling exterior they 
are all the same — they are all swine." 

I have talked with many of the splendid men and women 
whom America has sent as missionaries to Turkey. They tell me 
that, in the presence of a Turk, they are always conscious of this 
attitude. The Turk ma}-' be obsequiously polite, but there is 
invariably an almost unconscious feeling that he is mentally 
shrinking from his American friend as something unclean. And 
this fundamental conviction for centuries directed the Ottoman 
policy toward its subject peoples. This wild horde swept from 
the plains of Central Asia and, hke a whirlwind, overwhelmed 
the nations of Mesopotamia and Asia Minor, conquered Egypt, 
Arabia, and practically all of Northern Africa and then poured 
into Europe, crushed the Balkan nations, occupied a large part 
of Hungary, and even established the outposts of the Ottoman 
Empire in the southern part of Russia. 

So far as I can discover, the Ottoman Turks had only one great 
quality, that of military genius. They had several mihtary leaders 
of commanding ability,and the early conquering Turks were brave, 
fanatical, and tenacious fighters, just as their descendants are to- 
day. I think that these old Turks present the most complete illus- 
tration in history of the brigand idea in pohtics. They were lacking 
in what we may call the fundamentals of a civilised community. 

[They had no alphabet and no art of writing, no books, no poets, 
no art, and no architecture ; they built no cities and thus 

, estabhshed no orderly state. They knew no law except the rule 
of might, and they had practically no agriculture and no in- 
dustrial organisation. They were simply wild and marauding 

'horsemen, whose one conception of tribal success was to pounce 
upon people who were more civiUsed than themselves and 
plunder them. 

In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries these tribes 
overran the cradle of modern civilisation, which has given 
Europe its religion and, to a large extent, its civilisation. 
At that time these territories were the seats of many peaceful 
and prosperous nations. The Mesopotamian valley supported a 
large industrious agricultural population ; Bagdad was one of 
the largest and most flourishing cities in existence ; Constan- 
tinople had a greater population than Rome, and the Balkan 
region and Asia Minor contained several powerful States. Over 



The Turk Reverts to the Ancestral Type 183 

all this part of the world the Turk now swept like a huge, destruc- 
tive force. Mesopotamia in a few years became a desert ; the 
great cities of the East were reduced to misery, and the subject 
peoples became slaves. 

Such graces of civilisation as the Turk has acquired in 
five centuries have practically all been taken from the 
subject peoples whom he so greatly despises. His religion 
comes from the Arabs ; his language has acquired a certain 
literary value by borrowing certain Arabic and Persian 
elements ; and his writing is Arabic. Constantinople's finest 
architectural monument, the Mosque of St. Sophia, was originally 
a Christian church, and practically all Turkish architecture is 
derived from the Byzantine. The mechanism of business and 
industry has always rested in the hands of the subject peoples — 
Greeks, Jews, Armenians, and Arabs. The Turks have learned 
little of European art or science, they have estabhshed very few 
educational institutions, and illiteracy is the prevailing rule. 
The result is that poverty has attained a degree of sordidness and 
misery in the Ottoman Empire which is almost unparalleled 
elsewhere. The Turkish peasant hves in a mud hut in which he 
sleeps ; he has no chairs, no tables, no eating utensils, no clothes 
except the few scant garments which cover his back and which he 
usually wears for many years. 

In the course of time these Turks might learn certain tilings 
from their European and Arabic neighbours, but there was one 
idea which they could never even faintly grasp. They could not 
understand that a conquered people were anything except slaves. 
When they took possession of a land, they found it occupied by a 
certain number of camels, horses, buffaloes, dogs, swine, and 
human beings. Of all these living things, the object that 
physically most resembled themselves they regarded as the 
least important. It became a common saying with them that a 
horse or a camel was far more valuable than a man ; these 
animals cost money, whereas they could get all the " infidel 
Christians " they needed for nothing. The usual name applied 
to the Christian was rayah — meaning cattle. It is true that the 
early Sultans gave the subject peoples and the Europeans in the 
Empire certain rights, but these in themselves really reflected 
the contempt in which all non-Moslems were held. 

I have already described the " capitulations," under which 
foreigners in Turkey had their own courts, prison, post-offices, and 
other institutions. Yet the early Sultans gave these privileges not 
from a spirit of tolerance, but merely because they looked upon 
the Christian nations as unclean, and therefore unfit to have any 



184 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

contact with the Ottoman administrative and judicial system. 
The Sultans similarly erected the several peoples each as the 
Greeks and Armenians into separate " millets," or nations, not 
because they desired to promote their independence and welfare, 
but because they regarded them as vermin, and therefore dis- 
qualified for membership in the Ottoman State. The attitude of 
the Government toward their Christian subjects was illustrated 
by certain regulations which hmited their freedom of action. 
The buildings in which Christians lived should not be conspicuous, 
and their churches should have no belfry. Christians were not 
permitted to ride a horse, for that was the exclusive right of the 
noble Moslems. If a Turk in the street should ask a Christian 

j to clean his shoes, the latter must do so under penalty of death. 

V The Turk had the right to test the sharpness of his sword upon 
the neck of any Christian. 

One of the most remarkable official documents ever 
devised is the burial permit which the Ottoman Govern- 
ment used to issue, up to a hundred years ago, for the 
interment of its Christian subjects. The following is a Hteral 
translation : — " Oh thou irreligious priest, who hast been 
expelled from the presence of God, thou that wearest the crown 
of the devil and black raiments, so and so of your congregation 
of polluted infidels having died — although his desecrated corpse 
is not acceptable to the earth, yet as its terrible stench will 
become a public nuisance, take the polluted dead one, open a 
ditch, throw him in it, trample him under foot, and come back, 
thou infidel swine ! " 

Imagine a great Government, year in and year out, maintaining 
this attitude toward many milhons of its own subjects ! And 
for centuries the Turks simply Hved like parasites upon these 
overburdened and industrious people. They taxed them to 
economic extinction, stole their most beautiful daughters and 
forced them into their harems, took Christian male infants by 
the hundreds of thousands and brought them up as Moslem 
soldiers. I have no intention of describing the terrible vassalage 
and oppression that went on for five centuries ; my purpose is 
merely to emphasise this innate attitude of the Moslem Turk to 
people not of his own race and rehgion— that they are not human 
beings with rights, but merely chattels, which may be permitted 
to Uve when they promote the interest of their masters, but 
which may be pitilessly destroyed when they have ceased to be 
useful. This attitude is intensified by a disregard for human 
life and an intense delight in physical human suffering which are 
the not unusual attributes of primitive peoples. 




The Turk Reverts to the Ancestral Type 185 

Such were the mental characteristics of the Turk in his days 
of niih'tary greatness. In recent times his attitude toward 
foreigners and his subject peoples had superficially changed. 
His own mihtary decline, and the ease with which the infidel 
nations defeated his finest armies, had apparently given the 
haughty descendants of Osman a respect at least for their prowess. 
The rapid disappearance of his own Empire in a hundred years 

I the creation out of the Ottoman Empire of new States like 
Greece, Serbia, Bulgaria, and Rumania, and ihe wonderful 

i improvement wliich had followed the destruction of the Turkish 
yoke in these benighted lands, may have increased the Ottoman 
hatred for the unbeliever, but at least they had a certain influence 
in opening his eyes to his importance. Many Turks also now 
received their education in European universities, they studied 
in their professional schools, and they became physicians, 
surgeons, lawyers, engineers, and chemists of the modern kind. 
However much the more progressive Moslems might despise their 
Christian associates, they could not ignore the fact that the 
finest things, in this temporal world at least, were the products 
, of European and American civilisation. ? And now that one 
development of modern history which seemed to be least under- 
standable to the Turk began to force itself upon the consciousness 
of the more intelligent and progressive. Certain leaders arose 
who began to speak surreptitiously of such things as " Con- 
stitutionalism," " Liberty." " Self-Government," and to whom 
the Declaration of Independence contained certain truths that 
might have a value even for Islam. These daring spirits began 
to dream of overturning the autocratic Sultan and of substituting 
a parliamentary system for his irresponsible rule. I have already 
described the lise and fall of this Young Turk movement under 
such leaders as Talaat, Enver, Djemal, and their associates in the 
Committee ot Union and Progress. The point which I am 
emphasising here is that this movement presupposed a complete 
transformation of Turkish mentality, especially in its attitude 
toward subject peoples. No longer, under the reformed Turkish 
State, were Greeks, Syrians, Armenians, and Jews to be regarded 
as " filthy Giaours." AU these peoples were henceforth to have 
equal rights and equal duties. 

A general love-feast now followed the establishment of 

! the new regime, and scenes of almost frenzied reconciliation, in 
which Turks and Armenians embraced each other pubHcly, 
apparently signalised the absolute union of the once an- 
tagonistic peoples. The Turkish leaders, such as Talaat 
and Enver, visited Christian churches and sent forth prayers of 



1 86 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

thanksgiving for the new order, and went to Armenian cemeteries 
to shed tears of retribution over the bones of the martyred 
Armenians who lay there. Armenian priests reciprocally paid 
their tributes to the Turks in Mohammedan mosques. Enver 
Pasha visited several Armenian schools, telling the children that 
the old days of Moslem-Christian strife had passed for ever and 
that the two peoples were now to live together as brothers and 
sisters. 

There were cynics who smiled at all these demonstrations, and 
yet one development encouraged even them to believe that an 
earthly Paradise had arrived. All through the period of domina- 
tion only the master Moslem had been permitted to bear arms 
and serve in the Ottoman Army, To be a soldier was an occupa- 
tion altogether too manly and glorious for the despised Armenian. 
But now the Young Turks encouraged all Armenians to arm, and 
enrolled them in the Army on an equality with Moslems. These 
Annenians fought, both as officers and soldiers, in the Italian 
and the Balkan Wars, winning high praise from the Turkish 
Generals for their valour and skill. Armenian leaders had figured 
conspicuously in the Young Turk movement ; these men 
apparently believed that a constitutional Turkey was possible, 
and they preferred such a Turkey to the suzerainty of the great 
European Powers or even to an independent State of their own. 
Thev were conscious of their own intellectual and industrial 
superiority to the Turks, and knew that they could prosper in 
the Ottoman Empire if left alone, whereas, under European 
control, they would have greater difficulty in meeting competition 
of the more rigorous European colonists who might come in. 
With the deposition of the Red Sultan, Abdul Hamid, and the 
establishment of a constitutional system, the Armenians now for 
the first time in several centuries felt themselves to be free men. 

But, as I have already described, all these aspirations vanished 
like a dream. Long before the European war began the Turkish 
democracy had disappeared. The power of the new Sultan had 
gone, and the hopes of regenerating Turkey on modern lines had 
disappeared, leaving onl}^ a group of individuals, headed by 
Talaat and Enver, actually in possession of the State. Having 
lost their democratic aspirations, these men now supplanted it 
with a new national conception. In place of a democratic 
constitutional State they resurrected the idea of Pan-Turkism ; 
in place of equal treatment of all Ottomans they decided to 
establish a country exclusively for Turks, i I have called this a 
new conception ; yet it v.^as new onh' to the individuals who then 
controlled the destiny of the Empire, for, in reality, it was merely 



The Turk Reverts to the Ancestral Type 187 

'an attempt to revive the most barbaric ideas of their ancestors. 
It represented, as I have said, merely an atavistic reversion to the 
: original Turk. 

We now saw that the Turkish leaders, in talking 
■about liberty, equality, fraternity, and constitutionahsm, were 
[merely children repeating plirases ; that they had used the word 
" democracy " merely as a ladder by which to climb to power. 
After five hundred years' close contact with European civihsation 
the Turk remained precisely the same individual as the one who 
had emerged from the steppes of Asia in the Middle Ages. He 
iwas clinging just as tenaciously as his ancestors to that con- 
ception of a State as consisting of a few master individuals whose 
: right it is to enslave and plunder and maltreat anj^ peoples whom 
[they can subject to their mihtary control. Though Talaat, 
Enver, and Djemal all came of the humblest famiHes, the same 
fundamental ideas of master and slave possessed them that 
iormed the statecraft of Osman and the early Sultans. We now 
discovered that a paper constitution, and even tearful visits to 
t Christian churches and cemeteries, could not uproot the inborn 
preconception of this nomadic people, that there are only two 
kinds of people in the world— the conquering and the conquered. 

When the Turkish Government abrogated the capitulations, 
and in this way freed themselves from the domination of the 
,fo eign Powers, they v/ere merely taking one step toward reaUsing 
this Pan-Turkish ideal. I have told of the difficulties which I 
had with them over the Christian schools. Their determination 
I to uproot these, or at least to transform them into Turkish 
institutions, was merely another detail in the same racial progress. 

Similarly, th_y attempted to make all foreign business houses 
employ only Turkish labour, insisting that they should discharge 
their Greek, Armenian, and Jewish clerks, stenographers, work- 
men, and other employees. They ordered foreign business 
houses to keep their books in Turkish, and I had some difficulty 
lin arranging a compromise by which they could keep them in 
^both French and Turkish. The Ottoman Government even 
refused to have any dealings with the representative of the 
hiigest Austrian munition maker unless he admitted a Turk as a 
partner. They developed a mania for suppressing all languages 
except Turkish. For decades French had been the accepted 
language of foreigners in Constantinople ; all street signs were 
printed in both French and Turkish. One morning the aston- 
ished foreign residents discovered that all these French signs 
had been removed and that the names of streets, the directions 
on street cars, and other pubhc notices, appeared only in these 



i88 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

strange Turkish characters, wliich very few of them understood. 
Great confusion resulted from this change, but the ruhng powers 
refused to restore the detested foreign language. 

These leaders not only reverted to the barbaric conceptions 
of their ancestors, but they went to extremes that had never 
entered the minds of the wary Sultans. Their fifteenth- and 
sixteenth-century predecessors treated the subject peoples as 
dirt under their feet, yet they believed that they had a certain 
usefulness and did not disdain to make them their serfs. But 
this Committee of Union and Progress, led by Talaat and Enver 
now decided to do away with them altogether. The old conquer-, 
ing Turks had made the Christians their servants, but theii 
parvenu descendants bettered their instruction, for they deteil 
mined to exterminate them wholesale and Turkify the Empire bj 
massacring the non-Moslem elements. Originally this was no 
the statesmanlike conception of Talaat and Enver ; the man whc 
first devised it was one of the greatest monsters known to history 
the " Red Sultan," Abdul Hamid. This man came to the thron( 
in 1876, at a critical period in Turkish history. In the first tw( 
years of his reign he lost Bulgaria, as well as important province 
in the Caucasus, his last remaining vestiges of sovereignty ii 
Montenegro, Serbia, and Rumania, and all his real powers ii 
Bosnia and Herzegovina. Greece had long since become ai* 
independent nation, and the processes that were to wrench E;;yp 
from the Ottoman Empire had already begun. As the Sultai 
took stock of his' inheritance, he could easily foresee the da;; 
when all the rest of his domain would pass into the hand of th | 
infidel. 

What had caused this disintegration of this extensiv 
Turkish Empire ? The real cause, of course, lay deep in th 
character of the Turk, but Abdul Hamid saw only the mor 
obvious fact that the intervention of the great European Pov^er 
had brought relief to these imprisoned nations. Of all the ne\ 
kingdoms which had been carved out of the Sultan's dominion? 
Serbia— let us remember this fact to her everlasting honour — i 
the only one that has conquered her own independence. Russie 
France, and Great Britain have set free all the rest. And wJ^.a 
had happened several times before might happen again. Ther 
still remained one compact race in the Ottoman Empire that ha 
national aspirations and national potentialities. 

In the north-eastern part of Asia Minor bordering on Ru3si| 
there were six provinces in which the Armenians formed the large^] 
element in the popiilation. From the times of Herodotus thi 
portion of Asia has borne the name of Armenia. The Armenian 

i 



The Turk Reverts to the Ancestral Type 189 

)f the present day are the direct descendants of the people who in- 
habited the country three thousand years ago. Their origin is 
so ancient that it is lost in fable and mystery. There are still 
undcciphered cuneiform inscriptions on the rocky hills of Van, 
the largest Armenian city, that have led certain scholars — though 
not many, I must admit it — to identify the Armenian race with 
the Hittites of the Bible. What is definitely known about the 
Armenians, however, is that for ages they have constituted the 
post civilised and most industrious ra.cc in the eastern section of 
the Ottoman Empire. From their mountains they have spread 
|ail over the Sultan's dominions, and form a considerable element 
in the population of all the large cities. Everywhere they are 
known for their industry, their intelHgence, and their decent and 
jOrderly hves. They are^o_superior to the Turks intellectually 
rand morally that much of the biismess and industry had passed 
'into their hands, \^lth the Greeks, the Armenians constitute 
;the economic strength of the Empire. These people became 
Christians in the fourth century and estabhshed the Armenian 
Church as their State religion. Tliis is said to be the oldest State 
Church in existence. 

' In face of persecutions which have no parallel elsewhere, 
these people have clung to their early Christian faith with the 
utmost tenacity. For fifteen hundred years they have hved 
there in Armenia, a httle island of Christians surrounded by 
backward peoples of hostile rehgion and hostile race. Their long 
existence has been one unending martjnrdom. The territory 
which they inhabit forms the connecting hnk betv.een Europe and 
Asia, and all the Asiatic invasions — Saracens, Tartars, Mongols, 
Kurds, and Turks — have passed over their peaceful country. 
For centuries they have thus been the Belgium of the East. 

Through all this period the Armenians have regarded them- 
t selves not as Asiatics, but as Europeans. They speak an 
l.Indo-European language, their racial origin is beheved to be by 
[scholars Ar\^an, and the fact that their rehgion is the religion of 
Europe has "always made them turn their eyes westward ; and out 
of that western country, they have always beheved, would some 
day come the dehverance that would rescue them from their 
,murderous masters. And now, as Abdul Hamid in 1876 sur- 
veyed his shattered domain, he saw that its most dangerous spot 
'was Armenia. He beheved, rightly or wrongly, that these 
IjArmenians, hke the Rumanians, the Bulgarians, the Greeks, and 
j,thc Serbians, aspired to restore their independent individual 
'nation, and he knew that Europe and America sympathised with 
this ambition. 



igo Secrets of the Bosphorus 

The Treaty of Berlin, which had definitely ended the Turco- 
Russian War, contained an article wliich gave the European 
Powers a protecting hand over the Armenians. How could 
he free himself permanently from this danger ? An en- 
lightened administration, which would have transformed the 
Armenians into free men and made them safe in their lives and 
property and civil and religious rights, would probably have made 
them peaceful and loyal subjects. But no Turk could rise to 
such a conception of statesmanship as this. Instead, Abdul 
Hamid decided that there was only one way of ridding Turkey of 
Ihe Armenian problem — and that was to rid her of the Armenians. 
The physical destruction of 2,000,000 men, women, and children 
by massacres, organised and directed by the State, seemed to be 
the one sure way of forestalhng the further disruption of the 
Turkish Empire. 

One day Abdul Hamid sent for the Armenian Patriarch, the 
head of the Armenian Church. He received him in his palace 
directly overlooking the Bosphorus. The Sultan pointed to this 
stream and said : "If your Armenians do not stop agitating, I 
will make their blood flow like the Bosphorus out there ! " 

And now for nearly thirty years Turkey gave the world an 
illustration of government by massacre. We in Europe and^ 
America heard of these events when they reached especially ' 
monstrous proportions, as they did in 1895-96, when nearly 
200,000 Armenians were most atrociously done to death. But 
through all these years the existence of the Armenians was one 
continuous nightmare. Their property was stolen, their men 
were murdered, their women were ravished, their young girls' 
were kidnapped and forced to live in Turkish harems. All these 
things happened daily. Yet Abdul Hamid was not able to ' 
accomplish his full purpose ; had he had his will, he would have 
mcLSsacred the whole nation in one hideous orgy. He attempted 
to do this in 1895, but found certain insuperable obstructions to 
his plan. Chief of these were England, France, and Russia. ; 
These atrocities called Gladstone, then eighty-six years old, from ' 
his retirement, and his speeches, in which he denounced the' 
Sultan as "the Great Assassin" and "Abdul the Damned,"- 
aroused the whole world to the enormities that were taking' 
place. It became apparent that, unless the Sultan desisted, 
England, France, and Russia would intervene, and the Sultan 
well knew that, in case this intervention took place, such rem- . 
nants of Turkey as had survived earher partitions would dis- 
appear. Thus Abdul Hamid had to abandon his satanic enter- 
prise of destroying a whole race by murder; yet Armenia 



The Turk Reverts to the Ancestral Type 191 

continued to suffer the slow agony of pitiless persecution. Up to 
the outbreak of the European war not a day had passed in the 
Armenian vilayets without its outrages and its murders. The 
Young Turk regime, despite its promises of universal brotherhood, 
brought no respite to the Armenians. A few months after the 
love-feastings already described, one of the worst massacres took 
place at Adana, in which 35,000 people were destroyed. 

And now the Young Turks, who had adopted so many of 
Abdul Hamid's ideas, also made liis Armenian pohcy their own.. 
Their passion for Turkifying the nation seemed to demand 
logically the extermination of all Christians — Greeks, Syrians, 
and Armenians. Much as they admired the Mohammedan 
:onquerors of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, they now 
perceived that these great warriors had made one fatal mistake, 
for they had had it in their power completely to obliterate the 
Christian populations and had neglected to do so. This poUcy, 
11 their opinion, was a fatal error of statesmanship, and explained 
ilill the woes from w^hich Turkey has suffered in modem times. 
Had these old Moslem chieftains, when they conquered Bulgaria, 
iDUt all the BuJgaiians to the sword, and peopled the Bulgarian 
:ountry with ^Moslem Turks, there would never have been any 
nodern Bulgarian problem, and Turkey would never have lost 
s.his part of her Empire. Similarly, had they destroyed all the 
[Rumanians, Serbians, and Greeks, the provinces w^hich are now 
;;ccupied by these races would still have remained integral parts 
;'>f the Sultan's domain. They felt that the mistake had been a 
errible one, but that something might be saved from the ruin, 
'hey would destroy all Greeks, Syrians, Armenians, and other 
Christians, move Moslem families into their homes and into their 
arms, and so make sure that these territories would not similarly 
e taken away from Turkey. 

In order to accomphsh this great reform it would 

ot be necessary to murder every hving Christian. The 

;iost beautiful and healthy Armenian girls could be taken, 

onverted forcibly to Mohammedanism, and made the 

/ives or concubines of devout followers of the Prophet. Their 

hildren would then automatically become Moslems and so 

rrngthen the Empire as the Janissaries did in former years. 

lii-se Armenian girls represent a high type of womanhood, and 

If Young Turks, in their crude, intuitive way, recognised that 

niinghng of their blood with the Turkish population would 
Acrt a eugenic influence upon the whole. Armenian boys of 
;nder years could be taken into Turkish famiUes and be brought 
, i^ m ignorance of the fact that they were anything but Moslems.. 



192 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

These were about the only elements, however, that could make 
any valuable contributions to the new Turkey which was now 
being planned. Since all precautions must be taken against the 
development of a new generation of Armenians, it would be 
necessary to kill outright all men who were in their prime and 
thus capable of propagating the accursed species. Old men and 
women formed no great danger to the future of Turkey, for they 
had already fulfilled their natural function of leaving descendants ; 
still, they were nuisances and therefore should be disposed of. 

UnHke Abdul Hamid, the Young Turks found themselves in 
a position where they could carry out this " holy " enterprise. 
Great Britain, France, and Russia had stood in the way of their 
predecessor. But now these obstacles had been removed. The 
Young Turks, as I have said, believed that while they were at 
war with these nations they had no representatives in Turkey who 
could interfere with their internal affairs. Only one Power could 
successfully raise objections, and that was Germany. But 
Germany had never attempted to stop massacres in Turkey. In 
1898, when all the rest of Europe was ringing with Gladstone's 
denunciations and demanding intervention. Kaiser Wilhelm the 
Second had gone to Constantinople, visited Abdul Hamid, pinned 
his finest decorations on that bloody tyrant's breast, and kissed 
him on both cheeks. The same Kaiser who had done this in 
1898 was still sitting on the throne in 1915, and was now Turkey's 
ally. Thus for the first time in two centuries the Turks, in 1915, 
had their Christian populations utterly at their mercy. The 
time had finally come to make Turkey exclusively the country 
of the Turks. 



CHAPTER XXIIl 

THE " REVOLUTION " AT VAN 

The Turkish province of Van lies in the remote ipprti^eastern 
corner of Asia Minor ; it touches the frontiers of Persia on the 
east and its northern boundary looks toward the Caucasus. It 
is one of the most beautiful and most fruitful parts of the Turkish 
Empire and one of the richest in historical associations. The 
city of Van, which is capital of the vilayet, Ues on the eastern 
shores of the lake of the same name ; it is the one large town in 
Asia in which the Armenian population is larger than the Moslem. 
In the fall of 1914, its population of about 30,000 people repre- 
sented one of the most peaceful, happy, and prosperous com- 
munities in the Turkish Empire. Though Van, hke practically 
every other section where Armenians lived, had had its periods of 
oppression and massacre, yet the Moslem yoke, comparatively 
speaking, rested upon its people rather lightly. Its Turkish 
Governor, Tahsin Pasha, was one .of the more enlightened type 
of Turkish officials. Relations between the Armenians, who 
lived in the better section of the city, and the Turks and the 
Kurds, who occupied the mud huts in the Moslem quarter, had 
been tolerably agreeable for many years. 

The location of this vilayet, however, inevitably made it the 
scene of military operations, and made the activities of its 
Annenian population a matter of daily suspicion. Should 
Russia attempt an invasion of Turkey one ol" the most accessible 
routes lay through this province. The war had not gone far 
when causes of irritation arose. The requisitions of army 
supplies fell far more heavily upon the Christian than upon the 
Mohammedan elements in Van, just as they did in every other 
part of Turkey. The Armenians had to stand quietly by while 
the Turkish oificers appropriated all their cattle, all their wheat, 
and all their goods of every kind, giving them only worthless 
pieces of paper in exchange. 

The attempt at general disarmament that took place 

also aroused their apprehensions, wliich were increased by 

the brutal treatment visited upon Armenian soldiers in the 

Caucasus. On the other hand, the Turks made many 

I charges against the Christian population, and, in fact, they 



±94 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

attributed to them the larger share of the blame for the reverses 
which the Turkish Armies had suffered in the Caucasus. The 
fact that a considerable element in the Russian forces was 
composed of Armenians aroused their unbridled wrath. Since 
about half the Armenians in the world inhabit the Russian 
provinces in the Caucasus, and are hable, like all Russians, to 
miHtary service, there was certainly no legitimate grounds for 
complaint, so far as these Armenian levies were bona fide subjects 
of the Tsar. But the Turks asserted that large numbers of 
Armenian soldiers in Van and other of their Armenian provinces 
deserted, crossed the border, and joined the Russian Army, where 
their knowledge of roads and the terrain was an important factor 
in the Russian victories. Though the exact facts are not yet 
ascertained, it seems not unlikely that such desertions, perhaps 
a few hundred, did take place. 

At the beginning of the war Turkfsh officials appeared 
in this neighbourhood and appealed to the Armenian leaders 
to go into Russian Armerua and attempt to start revolutions 
against the Russian Government, and the fact that the 
Ottoman Armenians refused to do this contributed further 
to the prevailing irritation. The Turkish Government has 
made much of the " treasonable " behaviour of the Arme- 
nians of Van, and have even urged it as an excuse for their 
subsequent treatment of the whole race. Their attitude 
illustrates once more the perversity of the Turkish mind. After I 
massacring hundreds of thousands of Armenians in the course of 
thirty years, outraging the women and girls, and robbing and 
maltreating them in every conceivable way, the Turks still,' 
apparently believed that they had the right to expect from them ' 
the most enthusiastic " loyalty." That the Armenians all over 
Turkey sympathised with the Entente was no secret. " If you 
want to know how the war is going," remarked a humorous^ 
Turkish newspaper, " all you need to do is to look in the face of, 
an Armenian. If he is smiling, then the Allies are winning ; if he| 
is downcast, then the Germans are successful." If an Ottoman! 
Armenian soldier should desert and join the Russians that would;! 
unquestionably constitute a technical crime against the btatej 
and might be punished without violating the rules of all civilisec' 
countries. Only the Turkish mind, however — and possibly the 
Geiinan — could regard it as furnisliing an excuse for the terrible 
barbarities that now took place. 

Though the air all during the autumn and winter of 1914-1^ 
was filled with premonitions of trouble, the Armenians behavee 
with remarkable self-restraint. For years it had been th^ 



The " Revolution " at Van 195 

Turkish polic}' to provoke the Christian population into com- 
; mitting overt acts, and then seizing upon such misbehaviour as 
j an excuse for massacres. The Armenian clergy and political 
' leaders saw many evidences that the Turks were now up to their 
\ old tactics, and they therefore went among the people, cautioning 
them to keep quiet, to bear all insults, and even outrages.ipatiently, 
so as not to give the Moslems the opening which they were 
■seeking. " Even though they burn a few of our villages," these 
I leaders would say, " do not retahate, for it is better that a few 
'be destroyed than that the whole nation be massacred." 

When the war started, the Central Government recalled 
Tahsin Pasha, the concihatory Governor of Van, and replaced 
him with Djevdet Bey, a brother-in-law of Enver Pasha. This 
act in itself was most disquieting. Turkish officialdom has 
always contained a minority of men who do not believe in 
massacres as a State pohcy and who cannot be depended upon to 
carry out strictly the most bloody orders of the Central Govern- 
ment. Whenever massacres have been planned, therefore, it 
has been customary first to remove such " untrustworthy " 
pubhc servants and replace them with men who are regarded as 
more rehable. the cnaracter of Tahsin 's successor made his 
displacement still more alarming. Djevdet had spent the larger 
part of his Hfe at Van ; he was a man of unstable character, 
friendly to non-Moslems one moment, hostile the next, hypo- 
critical, treacherous, and ferocious according to the worst 
traditions of his race. He hated the Armenians and cordially 
sympathised with the long-estabhshed Turkish plan of solving 
the Armenian problem. There is httle question that he came to 
Van with delinite mstructions to externnnate all Armenians in 
this province, but for the first few months conditions did not 
facihtatc such operations. Djevdet himself was absent fighting 
the Russians in tlie Caucasus, and the near approach of the enemy 
made it a wise policy for the Turks to refrain from maltreating 
:he Armenians of Van. But early in the spring the Russians 
temporarily retreated. 

it is generally recognised as good military tactics for a vic- 
torious army to follow up the retreating enemy. In the eyes of the 
Turkish generals, however, the withdrawal of the Russians was a 
lappy turn of war mainly because it deprived the Armenians of 
;heir protectors and left them at tlie mercies of the Turkish ^^riny. 
[nstead of following the retreating foe, therefore, the Turks' Army 
turned aside and mvaded their own territory of Van. Instead of 
lighting the trained Russian Army of men, they turned tlieirrilles, 
rnidchine guns, and other weapons upon the Armenian women, 



196 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

children, and old men in the villages of Van. Following their usual 
custom, they distributed the most beautiful Armenian women 
among the Moslems, sacked and burned the Armenian villages, 
and massacred uninterruptedly for days. On April 15th 
about 500 young Armenian men of Akantz were mustered to 
hear an order of the Sultan ; at sunset they were marched 
outside the town and every man shot in cold blood. This 
procedure was repeated in about eighty Armenian villages in the 
district north of Lake Van, and in three days 24,000 Armenians 
were murdered in this atrocious fashion. 

A single episode illustrates the unspeakable depravity of 
Turkish methods. A conflict having broken out at Shadak, Djevdet 
Bey, who had meanwliile returned to Van, asked four of the lead- 
ing Armenian citizens to go to this town and attempt to quiet the 
multitude. These men made the trip, stopping at all Armenian 
villages along the way, urging everybody to keep pubhc order. 
After completing their work these four Armenians were murdered 
in a Kurdish village. 

And so when Djevdet Bey, on his return to his official 
post, demanded that Van furnish him immediately 4,000 
soldiers, the people were naturally in no mood to accede to his 
request. When we consider what had happened before, and 
what happened subsequently, there remains little doubt con- 
cerning the purpose which underlay this demand. Djevdet, 
acting in obedience to orders from Constantinople, was preparing 
to wipe out the whole population, arid his purpose in calling 
for 4,000 able-bodied men was merely to massacre them, so 
that the rest of the Armenians might have no defenders. The 
Armenians, parleying to gain time, offered to furnish 500 
soldiers and to pay exemption money for the rest. Now, however,, 
Djevdet began to talk aloud about " rebelHon," and his deter- 
mination to " crush " it at any cost. " If the rebels fire a single: 
shot," he declared, " I shall kill every Christian man, woman, and;, 
child up to here," pointing to his knee. 

For some time the Turks had been constructing entrenchments 
around the Armenian quarter and fihing them with soldiers, and, in 
response to this provocation, the Armenians began to make pre 
parations for a defence. On April 20th a band of Turkish soldiers 
seized several Armenian women who were entering the city; a couple 
of Armenians ran to their assistance and were shot dead. Th^ 
Turks now opened fire on the Armenian quarters with rifles anc 
artillery ; soon a large part of the town was in flames and £ 
regular siege had started. The whole Armenian fighting force 
consisted of only 1,500 men ; Ihey had only 300 rifles and 2 



The '• Revolution " at Van iq7 

most inadequate supply of ammunition, while Djevdet had an 
army of 5,000 men, completely equipped and supplied; yet the 
Armenians fought with the utmost heroism and skill. They had 
little chance of holding off their enemies indefinitely, yet they 
knew that a Russian Army was fighting its way to Van, and their 
utmost hope was that they would be able to defy the besiegers 
until these Russians arrived. 

As I am not writing the story of sieges and battles, I cannot 
describe in detail the numerous acts of individual heroism, the 
co-operation of the Armenian women, the ardour and energy 
of the Armenian children, the self-sacrificing zeal of the 
American missionaries — especially Dr. Usher and his wife and 
Miss Grace H. Knapp — and the thousand other circum- 
stances that make this terrible month one of the most glorious 
pages in modern Armenian history. The wonderful thing 
about it is that the Armenians triumphed. After nearly 
five weeks of sleepless fighting, the Russian Army suddenly ap- 
peared, and the Turks fled into the surrounding country, where 
they found appeasement for their anger by again massacring 
unprotected Armenian villages. Dr. Usher, the American 
medical missionary, whose hospital at Van was destroyed by 
bombardment, is authority for the statement that, after driving 
oft the Turks, the Russians began to collect and to cremate the 
bodies of Armenians who had been murdered in the province, 
I with the result that 55,000 bodies were burned. 

I have told this story of the " revolution " in Van not only 
because it marked the first stage in this organised attempt to 
wipe out a v/hole nation, but because these events are always 
brought forward by the Turks as a juS' ification of their subsequent 
crimes. x\s I shall rcl ,te. Enver, Talaat, and the rest, when 
I appealed to them on behalf of the Armenians, invariably 
instanced the " revolut'onists " of Van as a sample of Armenian 
treachery. The famous " revolution," as this recital shows, 
was merely the determination of the Armenians to save their 
women's honour and their own lives, after the Turks, by 
massacring thousands of their neighbours, had shown them the 
fate that awaited them. 



CHAPTER XXIV 

THE MURDER OF A NATION 

The destruction of the Armenian race in 1915 involved certain 
difficulties that had not impeded the operations of the Turks in 
the massacres of 1895 and other years. In these earlier periods 
the Armenian men had possessed little power or means of 
resistance. In those days Armenians had not been permitted to 
have military training, to serve in the Turkish Army, or to 
possess arms. As I have already said, these discriminations 
were withdrawn when the revolutionists obtained the upper 
hand in 1908. Not only were the Christians now permitted to 
bear arms, but the authorities, in the full flush of their enthusiasm 
for freedom and equality, encouraged them to do so. In the 
early part of 1915, therefore, every Turkish cit}^ contained 
thousands of Armenians who had been trained as soldiers and 
who were supplied with rifles, pistols, and other weapons of 
defence. 

The operations at Van disclosed that these men could 
use their munitions to good advantage. A similar " rebellion " 
at Zeitoun also proved that these despised merchants and traders 
of the Empire possessed energetic fighting power. It was thus 
apparent that an Armenian massacre this time would generally 
assume more the character of warfare than those wholesale 
butcheries of defenceless men and women which the Turks had 
always found so congenial. If this plan of murdering a race was 
to succeed, two preliminary steps would therefore have to be 
taken : it would be necessary to render all Armenian soldiers 
powerless and to deprive of their arms the Armenians in every 
city and town. Before Armenia could be slaughtered, Armenia 
must be made defenceless. 

In the early part of 19 15 the Armenian soldiers in the Turkish 
Army were reduced to a new status. Up to that time most of 
them had been combatants, but now they were all stripped of 
their arms and transfomied into workmen. Instead of serving 
their countrymen as artillerjnnen and cavalrymen, these former 
soldiers now discovered that thej' had been transformed into 
road labourers and pack animals. Army supplies of all kinds 
were loaded on their backs, and stumbling under the burdens, 



The Murder of a Nation 199 

and driven by the whips and bayonets of the Turks, they were 
forced to drag their weary bodies into the mountains of the 
Caucasus. Sometimes they would have to plough their way, 
burdened in this fashion, almost waist-high tlirough snow. 
They had to spend practically all their time in the open, sleeping 
on the bare ground — whenever the ceaseless prodding of their 
taskmasters gave them an occasional opportunity 'to sleep. 
They were given only scraps of food ; if they fell sick they were 
left where they had dropped, their Turkish oppressors perhaps 
stopping long enough to rob them of all their possessions — even 
of their clothes. If any stragglers succeeded in reaching their 
destinations they were not infrequently massacred. In many 
instances Armenian soldiers were disposed of in even more 
summary fashion, for it now became almost the general practice 
to shoot them in cold blood. In almost all cases the procedure 
was the same. Here and there squads of fifty or a hundred men 
would be taken, bound together in groups of four, and then 
marched out to a secluded spot a short distance from the village. 
Suddenly the sound of rifle-shots would fill the air, and the 
Turkish soldiers who had acted as the escort would sullenly 
return to camp. Those sent to bury the bodies would find them 
almost invariably stark naked, for, as usual, the Turks had stolen 
all their clothes. In cases that came to my attention, the 
murderers had added a refinement to their victims' sufferings by 
compelling them to dig their graves before being shot. 

Let me relate a single episode which is contained in one of 
the reports of our Consuls and which now forms part of the 
records of the American State Department. Early in July 
2,000 Armenian " ameles " — such is the Turkish word for 
soldiers who have been reduced to workmen — were sent from 
Harpoot to build roads. The Armenians in that town under- 
stood what this meant and pleaded with the Governor for mercy. 
But this official insisted that the men were not to be harmed, 
and he even called upon the German missionary, Mr. Ehemann, 
to quiet the panic, giving that gentleman his word of honour 
that the ex-soldiers would be protected. Mr. Ehemann believed 
the Governor and assuaged the popular fear. Yet practically 
every man of these 2,000 was massacred, and his body thrown 
into a cave. A few escaped, and it was from these that news of 
the massacre reached the world. A few'Mays afterward another 
2,000 soldiers were sent to Diarbekir. The only purpose of 
sending these men out in the open country was that they might 
be massacred. 

In order that they might have no strength to resist 



200 



Secrets of the Bosphorus 



and to escape by flight, these poor creatures were sys- 
tematically starved. Government agents went ahead on the 
road, notifying the Kurds that the caravan was approaching 
and ordering them to do their congenial duty. Not only did the 
Kurdish tribesmen pour down from the mountains upon this 
starved and weakened regiment, but the Kurdish women came 
with butchers' knives in order that they might gain that merit in 
Allah's eyes that comes from killing a Christian. These mas- 
sacres were not isolated happenings ; I could detail many more 
episodes just as horrible as the one related above. Throughout 
the Turkish Empire a systematic attempt was made to kill all 
able-bodied men, not only for the purpose of removing all males 
who might propagate a new generation of Armenians, but for 
the purpose of rendering the weaker part of the population an 
easy prey. 

Dreadful as were these massacres of unarmed soldiers, they 
were mercy and justice themselves when compared with the 
treatment which was now visited upon those Armenians who 
were suspected of concealing arms. Naturally, the Christians 
became alarmed when placards were posted in the villages and 
cities ordering them to bring all their arms to headquarters. 
Since this order appHed only to Christians, the Armenians well 
understood what the result would be should they be left defence- 
less while their Moslem neighbours were permitted to retain their 
arms. In many cases, however, the persecuted people patiently 
obeyed the command, and then the Turkish officials almost 
joyfully seized their rifles as evidence that a " revolution " was 
being planned, and threw their victims into prison on a charge of 
treason. Thousands failed to deliver arms simply because they 
had none to dehver, while an even greater number tenaciously 
refused to give them up, not because they were plotting an 
uprising, but because they proposed to defend their own lives 
and their women's honour against the outrages which they knew 
were being planned. 

The punishment inflicted upon these recalcitrants forms 
one of the most hideous chapters of modern history. 
Most of us believe that torture has long ceased to be an 
administrative and judicial measure, yet I do not believe that 
the darkest ages ever presented scenes more horrible than those 
which now took place all over Turkey. Nothing was sacred to 
the Turkish gendarmes ; under the plea of searching for hidden 
arms they ransacked churches, treated the altars and sacred 
utensils with the utmost indignities, and even held mock cere- 
monies in imitation of the Christian sacraments. They would 



The Murder of a Nation 201 

beat tho priests into insensibility, under the pretence that they 
were the centres of sedition. When they could discover no 
munitions in the churches, they would sometimes arm the 
bishops and priests with guns, pistols, and swords, then try them 
before court-martials for possessing weapons against the law, 
and march them in this condition through the streets, merely to 
arouse the fanatical wrath of the mobs. The gendarmes treated 
women with the same cruelty and indecency as their husbands. 
There are cases on record in which women accused of concealing 
weapons were stripped naked and whipped with branches freshly 
cut from trees, and these beatings were even inflicted on women 
who were with child. Violations so commonly accompanied 
these searches that Armenian women and girls, on the approach 
of the gendarmes, would flee to the woods, the hills, or to 
mountain caves. 

As a preliminary to the searches everywhere, the strong men 
of the villages and towns were arrested and taken to prison. 
Their tormentors here would exercise the most diabolical 
ingenuity in their attempt to make their victims declare them- 
selves to be " revolutionists " and to tell the hiding-places of 
their amis. A common practice was to place the prisoner in a 
room, with two Turks stationed at each end and each side. The 
examination would then begin with the bastinado. This is a 
form of torture not uncommon in the Orient ; it consists of 
beating the soles of the feet with a thin rod. At first the pain is 
not marked, but as the process goes slowly on it develops into 
the most terrible agony, the feet swell and burst, and not in- 
frequently, after being submxitted to this treatment, the3' have 
to be amputated. The gendarmes would bastinado their 
Armenian victim until he fainted ; they would then revive him by 
^sprinkKng water on his face and begin again. If this did not 
; succeed in bringing their victim to terms, they had numerous 
! other methods of persuasion. They would pull out his eyebrows 
and beard almost hair by hair ; they would extract his finger - 
ncdls and toe-nails ; they would apply red-hot irons to his breast ; 
tear off his flesh with red-hot pincers, and then pour boiled butter 
into the wounds. In some cases the gendannes would nail 
hands and feet to pieces of wood — evidently in imitation of the 
crucifixion, and then, while the sufferer writhed in his agony, 
:hey would cry : " Now let your Christ come and help 
you ! " 

These cruelties — and many others which I forbear to describe 
—were usually inflicted in the night time. Turks would be 
itationed around the prisons, beating drums and blowing 



202 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

whistles, so that the screams of the sufferers would not reach the 
villagers. 

In thousands of cases the Armenians who endured these agonies 
had refused to surrender their arms simply because they had 
none to surrender. However, they could not persuade their 
tormentors that this was the case. It therefore became custom- 
ary, when news was received that the searchers were approaching, 
for Armenians to purchase arms from their Turkish neighbours 
so that they might be able to give them up and escape these 
frightful punishments. 

One day I was discussing these proceedings with Bedri Bey, 
the Constantinople Prefect of Police. With a disgusting reHsh 
Bedri described the tortures inflicted. He made no secret of the 
fact that the Government had instigated them, and, like all Turks 
of the official classes, he enthusiastically approved this treatment 
of the detested race. Bedri told me that all these details were 
matters of nightly discussion at the headquarters of the Union 
and Progress Committee. Each new method of inflicting pain 
was hailed as a splendid discovery, and the regular attendants 
were constantly ransacking their brains in the effort to devise 
some new torment. Bedri told me that they even delved into 
the records of the Spanish Inquisition and other historic in- 
stitutions of torture, and adopted all the suggestions found there. 
Bedri did not tell me who carried off the prize in this gruesome 
competition, but common reputation throughout Armenia gave 
a pre-eminent infamy to Djevdet Bey, the Vali of Van, whose 
activities in that section I have already described. All through 
this country Djevdet now became known as the " marshall 
blacksmith of Bashkale," for this connoisseur in torture had 
invented what was perhaps the masterpiece of all — that of nailing 
horseshoes to the feet of his Armenian victims. 

Yet these happenings did not constitute what the newspapers 
of the time commonly referred to as the Armenian atrocities ; 
they were merely the preparatory steps in the destruction of a 
race. The Young Turks displayed greater ingenuity than their 
predecessor, Abdul Hamid. The injunction of the deposed 
Sultan was merely " to kill, kill," whereas the Turkish democracy 
hit upon an entirely new plan. Instead of massacring outright 
the Armenian race, they now decided to deport it. In the south 
and south-eastern section of the Ottoman Empire Hes the Syrian 
desert and the Mesopotamian valley. Though part of this area 
was once the scene of a flourishing civiUsation, for the last five 
centuries it has suffered the plight that becomes the lot of any 
country that is subjected to Turkish rule ; and it is now a drearyj 



The Murder of a Nation 203 

desolate waste, 'without cities and towns or life of any kind, 
populated only by a few wild and fanatical Bedouin tribes. 
Onlv the most industrious labour, expended through many years, 
could transform this desert into the abiding-place of any con- 
siderable population. The Central Government now announced 
its intention of gathering the 2,000,000 or more Armenians 
living in the several sections of the Empire and transporting them 
to this desolate and inhospitable region. Had they undertaken 
such a deportation in good faith it woTild have represented the 
height of cruelty and injustice. For a large part the Armenians 
are not agriculturists ; their talents are chiefly for business and 
commercial life ; though many of them do cultivate farms and 
engage in sheep-herding, many lived in cities and large towns, 
and, as I have already said, they represent the economic force of 
the country. To seize such peoples by the million and send 
them into one of the most barren parts of Asia would have been 
an act of the most inhuman spoliation. As a matter of fact, the 
Turks never had the shghtest idea of re-establishing the Ar- 
menians in this new country. They knew that the great majority 
would never reach their destination and that those who did 
would either die of thirst and starvation, or be murdered by the 
\\^ld Mohammedan desert tribes. The real purpose of the 
deportation was robbery and destruction ; it really represented 
a new method of massacre. When Talaat, as Minister of the 
Interior, gave the orders for these deportations, he was merely 
giving the death-warrant to a whole race ; he understood this 
well, and in his conversations with me he made no particular 
attempt to conceal the fact.- 

All through the spring and summer of 1915 the deportations 
took place. Of the larger cities, only Constantinople, Smyrna, 
and Kutahia were spared ; practically all other places where a 
single Armenian family Hved now became the scenes of these 
unspeakable tragedies. Scarcely a single Armenian, whatever 
his education or wealth, or whatever the social class to which he 
belonged, was exempted from the order. In some villages 
placards were posted ordering the whole Armenian population 
to present itself in a public place at an appointed time — usually 
a day or two ahead, and in other places the town-crier would go 
through the streets deUvering the order vocally. In still others 
not the slightest warning v/as given. The gendarmes would 
appear before an Armenian house and order all the inmates to 
follow them . Tliev would take women engaged in their domestic 

tasks without giving them the chance to change their clothes. 

The pohce fell upon them first as the eruption of Vesuvius fell 



204 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

upon Pompeii ; women were taken from the wash-tubs, children 
were snatched out of bed, the bread would be left half-baked in 
the oven, the family meal would be abandoned partly eaten, the 
children would be taken from the schoolroom, leaving their books 
open at the daily task, the men would be forced to abandon 
their plough in the fields and their cattle on the mountain-side. 
Even women who had just given birth to children would be 
forced to leave their beds and join the panic-stricken throng, 
their sleeping babies in their arms. Such things as they hurriedly 
snatched up — a shawl, a blanket, perhaps a few scraps of food- 
was all that they could take of their household belongings. To 
their frantic question, " Where are we going ? " the gendarmes 
would vouchsafe only one reply : "To the interior." 

In some cases the refugees were given a few hours, in ex- 
ceptional instances a few days, to dispose of their property and 
household effects. But the proceeding, of course, amounted 
simply to robbery. They could sell only to Turks, and since 
both buyers and sellers knew that they had only a day or two 
to market the accumulations of a lifetime, the prices obtained 
represented a small fraction of their value. Sewing-machines 
would bring one or two dollars — a cow would go for a dollar, a 
houseful of furniture would be sold for a pittance. In many cases 
Armenians were prohibited from selling or Turks from buying 
even at these ridiculous prices ; under pretence that the Govern- 
ment intended to sell their effects to pa^^ the creditors whom they 
would inevitably leave behind, their household furniture would 
be placed in stores or heaped up in public places, where it was 
usually pillaged by Turkish men and women. The Government 
officials would also inform the Armenians that, since their 
deportation was only temporary, the intention being to bring 
them back after the war was over, they would not be permitted 
to sell their houses. Scarcely had the former possessors left the 
village, when Mohammedan Mohadjirs — immigrants from other 
parts of Turkey — would be moved into the Armenian quarters. 
Similarly all their valuables, monej^ rings, watches, and jewellery, 
would be taken to the police-stations for " safe keeping " pending 
their return, and then parcelled out among the Turks. Yet these 
robberies gave the refugees little anguish, for far more terrible 
and agonising scenes were taking place under their eyes. The 
sj^stematic extermination of the men continued ; such males as 
the persecutions which I have already described had left, were 
now violently dealt with. Before the caravans were started, it 
became the regular practice to separate the young men from the 
families, tie them together in groups of four, lead them to the 



The Murder of a Nation 205 

outskirts, and shoot them. Public hangings without trial — the 
only offence being that the victims were Armenians — were 
taking place constantly. The gendarmes showed a particular 
desire to annihilate the educated and the influential. From 
American Consuls and missionaries I was constantly receiving 
reports of such executions, and many of the events which they 
described will never fade from my memory. At Angora all 
Armenian men from iifteen to seventy were arrested, bound 
together in groups of four, and sent on the road in the direction 
of Caesaria. When they had travelled five or six hours and had 
reached a secluded valley, a mob of Turkish peasants fell upon 
them with clubs, hammers, axes, scythes, spades, and saws. 
Such instruments not only caused more agonising deaths than 
guns and pistols, but, as the Turks themselves boasted, they were 
mere economical, since they did not involve the waste of powder 
and shell. In this way they exterminated the whole male 
population of Angora, including all its men of wealth and 
breeding, and their bodies, horribly mutilated, were left in the 
valley, where they were devoured by wild beasts. After com- 
pleting this destruction, the peasants and gendarmes gathered 
in the local tavern, comparing notes and boasting of the number 
of " giaours " that each had slain. In Trebizond the men were 
placed in boats and sent out on the Black Sea ; gendarmes would 
then come up in boats, shoot them down, and throw their bodies 
into the water. 

When the signal was given for the caravans to move, there- 
fore, they almost invariably consisted of women, children, and 
old men. Anyone who could possibly have protected them from 
the fate that awaited them had been destroyed. Not infrequently 
the prefect of the city, as the mass started on its way, would 
wish them a derisive " pleasant journey.-" Before the caravan 
moved the women were sometimes offered the alternative of 
becoming Mohammedans. Even though they accepted the new 
faith, which few of them did, their earthly troubles did not end. 
The converts were compelled tc surrender their children to a 
so-called '' Moslem Orphanage," with the agreement that they 
should be trained as devout followers of the Prophet. They 
themselves must then show the sincerity of their conversion by 
abandoning their Christian husbands and marrying Moslems. 
If no good Mohammedan offered liimself as a hifsband, then the 
new convert was deported, however strongly she might protest 
her devotion to Islam. 

At first the Government showed some inclination to protect 
these deporting throngs. The ofticers usually divided them into 



2o6 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

convoys, in some cases numbering several hundred, in others 
several thousand. The civil authorities occasionally furnished 
ox-carts which carried such household furniture as the exiles had 
succeeded in scrambling together. A guard of gendarmerie 
accompanied each convoy, ostensibly to guide and protect it. 
Women, scantily clad, carrying babies in their arms or on their 
backs, marched side by side with old men hobbhng along with 
canes. Children would run along, evidently regarding the 
procedure, in the early stages, as some new lark. A more 
prosperous member would perhaps have a horse or a donkey, 
occasionally a farmer had rescued a cow or a sheep, which would 
trudge along at his side, and the usual assortment of family pets, 
dogs, cats, and birds, became parts of the variegated precession. 
From thousands of Araienian cities and villages these despairing 
caravans now set forth ; they filled all the roads leading south ; 
everywhere, as they moved on, they raised a huge dust, and 
abandoned debris, chairs, blankets, bedclothes, household utensils, 
and other impediments, marked the course of the processions. 
When the caravans first started, the individuals bore some 
resemblance to human beings ; in a few hours, however, the dust 
of the road plastered their faces and clothes, the mud caked 
their lower members, and the slowly-advancing mobs, frequently 
bent with fatigue and crazed by the brutality of their " pro- 
tectors," resembled some new and strange anunal species. Yet 
for the better part of six months, from April to October, 1915, 
practically all the highways in Asia Minor were crowded with 
these unearthly bands of exiles. They could be seen winding in 
and out of every valley and climbing up the sides of nearly every 
mountain — moving on and on, they scarcely knew whither, 
except that every road led to death. ViUage after village and 
town after town was evacuated of its Armenian population, 
under the distressing circumstances already detailed. In these 
six months, as far as can be ascertained, about 1,200,000 people 
started on this journey to the Syrian desert. 

" Pray for us," they would say as they left their homes — the 
homes in which their ancestors had Uved for 2,500 years. " We 
shall not see you in this world again, but sometime we shall 
meet. Pray for us ! " 

The Armenians had hardly left their native villages when the 
persecutions began. The roads over wliich they travelled were 
little more than donkey-paths ; and what had started a few 
hours before as an orderly procession soon became a dishevelled 
and scrambling mob. Women were separated from their 
children and husbands from their wives. The old people soon 



X tic; ITXI.4^ VAV/X \JX C4 i. ^ tA\.M.\^M.M. 



lost contact with their families and became exhausted and 
footsore. I he Turkish drivers of the ox-carts, after extorting 
the last penny from their charges, would suddenly dump them 
and their belongings into the road, turn around and return to 
the village for other victims. Thus in a short time practically 
everybody, young and old, was compelled to travel on foot. 
The gendarmes whom the Goverrmient had sent supposedly to 
protect the exiles, in a very few hours became their tormentors. 
They followed their charges with fixed bayonets, prodding anyone 
who showed any tendency to slacken the pace. Those who 
attempted to stop for rest, or who fell exhausted on the road, 
were compelled, with the utmost brutality, to rejoin the moving 
throng. They even prodded pregnant women with bayonets ; 
if one, as frequently happened, gave birth along the road, she 
was immediately forced to get up and rejoin the marchers. The 
whole course of the journey became a perpetual struggle with the 
Moslem inhabitants. Detachments of gendarmes would go 
ahead notifying the Km-dish tribes that their victims were 
approaching, and Turkish peasants were also informed that 
their long-waited opportunity had arrived. The Government 
even opened the prisons and set free the convicts, on the under- 
standing that they should behave like good Moslems to the 
approaching Armenians. Thus every caravan had a continuous 
battle for existence with several classes of enemies — their 
accompanying gendarmes, the Turkish peasants and villagers, the 
Kurdish tribes and bands of Chetes or brigands. And we must 
always keep in mind that the men who might have defended 
these wayfarers had nearly all been killed or forced into the army 
as workmen, and that the exiles themselves had been systematically 
deprived of all weapons before the journey began. 

When they had travelled a few hours from their starting-place, 
the Kurds would sweep down from their mountain homes. 
Rushing up to the young girls, they would hft their veils and 
carry the pretty ones oft to the hills. They would steal such 
children as pleased their fancy and mercilessly rob all the rest of 
the throng. If the exiles had started with any money or food, 
their assailants would appropriate it, thus leaving them a hope- 
less prey to starvation. They would steal their clothing, and 
sometimes even leave both men and women in a state of complete 
nudity. ^\11 the time that they were committing these deprada- 
tions the Kurds would freely massacre, and the screams of old 
men and women would add to the general horror. Such as 
escaped these attacks in the open would hnd new terrors awaiting 
them in the Moslem villages. Here the Turkish roughs would 



20 8 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

fall upon the women, leaving them sometimes dead from their 
experiences or sometimes ravingly insane. After spending a 
night in a hideous encampment of this kind, the exiles, or such 
as had survived, would start again the next morning. The 
ferocity of the gendarmes apparently increased as the journey 
lengthened, for they seemed almost to resent the fact that part 
of their charges continued to live. Anyone who dropped on the 
road was frequently bayoneted on the spot. The Armenians 
began to die by hundreds from hunger and thirst. Even when 
they came to rivers, the gendarmes, merely to torment them, 
would sometimes not let them drink. Ihe hot sun of. the desert 
burned their scantily-clothed bodies, and the bare feet, treading 
the hot sand of the desert, became so sore that thousands fell 
and died or were killed where they lay. Thus, in a few days, 
what had been a procession of normal human beings became a 
stumbling horde of dust-covered skeletons, ravenously looking 
for scraps of food, eating any offal that came their way, crazed 
by the hideous sights that filled every hour of their existence, 
sick with all the diseases that accompany such hardships and 
deprivations, but still prodded on and on by the whips and 
clubs and bayonets of their executioners. 

And thus, as the exiles moved they left behind them another 
caravan — that of dead and unburied bodies, of old men and 
women in the last stages of typhus, dysentery, and cholera, 
of little children lying on their backs and setting up their 
last piteous wails for food and water. There were women who 
held up their babies to strangers, begging them to take them 
and save them from their tormentors, and failing this, they would 
throw them into wells or leave them behind bushes, that at least 
they might die undisturbed. Behind was left a small army of 
girls who had been sold as slaves — frequently for a medjidie, or 
about eighty cents —and who, after serving the brutal purposes 
of their purchasers, were forced to lead lives of prostitution. A 
string of encampments filled by the sick and the dying, mingled 
with the unburied or half-buried bodies of the dead, marked the 
course of the advancing throngs. Flocks of vultures followed 
them in the air, and ravenous dogs, fighting one another for the 
bodies of the dead, constantly pursued them. The most terrible 
scenes took place at the rivers, especially the Euphrates. Some- 
times, when crossing this stream, the gendarmes would push the 
women into the water, shooting all who attempted to save 
themselves by swimming. Frequently the women themselves 
would save their honour by jumping into the river, their children 
in their arms. " In the last week in June," I quote from an 



The Murder of a Nation 209 

authentic report, " several parties of Erzeroum Armenians were 
deported on successive days and most of them massacred on the 
way, cither bj^ shooting or drowning. One, Madame Zarouhi, 
an elderly lady of means, who was thrown into the Euphrates, 
saved herself by cHnging to a boulder in the river. She suc- 
ceeded in approaching the bank and returned to Erzeroum to 
hide herself in a Turkish friend's house. She told Prince 
Argoutinsky, the representative of the ' All-Russian Urban 
I Union ' in Erzeroum, that she shuddered to recall how hundreds 
of children were bayoneted by the Turks and thrown into the 
Euphrates, and how men and women were stripped naked, tied 
together in hundreds, shot, and then hurled into the river. In a 
loop of the river near Erzinghan, she said, the thousands of dead 
bodies created such a barrage that the Euphrates changed its 
.course for about a hundred yards." 

I It is absurd for the Turkish Government to assert that it ever 

' seriously intended to " deport the Armenians to new homes " ; 

the treatment which was given the convoys clearly shows that 

extermination was the real purpose of Enver and Talaat. How 

many exiled to the south under these revolting conditions ever 

reached their destinations ? The experiences of a single caravan 

shows how completely this plan of deportation developed into 

one of annihilation. The details in question were furnished me 

directly by the American Consul at Aleppo, and are now on file 

in the State Department at Washington. On the first of June a 

j convoy of 3,000 Amenians, mostly women, girls, and child- 

iren, left Harpoot. Following the usual custom the Government 

provided them an escort of seventy gendarmes, under the 

command of a Turkish leader — Bey. In accordance with the 

Icommon experience these gendarmes proved to be not their 

protectors, but their tormentors and their executioners. Hardly 

had they got well started on the road when . . . Bey took 

400 liras from the caravan, on the plea that he was keeping it safely 

until their arrival at Malatia ; no sooner had he robbed them of 

the only thing that might have provided them with food than he 

ran away, leaving them all to the tender mercies of the gendarmes. 

All the way to Ras-ul-Ain, the first station on the Bagdad 

line, the existence of these wretched travellers was one prolonged 

horror. The gendarmes went ahead, informing the half-savage 

tribes of the mountains that several thousand Armenian women 

and girls were approaching. The Arabs and Kurds began to 

carry off the girls, the mountaineers fell upon them repeatedly, 

killing and violating the women, and the gendarmes themselves 

joined in the orgy. One by one the few men that accompanied 



210 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

the convoy were killed. The women had succeeded in secreting 
money from their persecutors, keeping it in their mouths and 
hair ; with tliis they would buy horses, only to have them 
repeatedly stolen by the Kurdish tribesmen. Finally the 
gendarmes, having robbed and beaten and killed and violated 
their charges for thirteen days, abandoned them altogether. 
Two days afterward the Kurds went through the party and 
rounded up all the males who still remained alive. They found 
about 150, their ages varying from fifteen to ninety years, and 
these they promptly took away and butchered to the last man. 
But that same day another convoy from Sivas joined this one 
from Harpoot, increasing the numbers of the whole caravan to 
18,000 people. 

Another Kurdish Bey now took command, and to him, as to 

all men placed in the same position, the opportunity was regarded 

merely as one for pillage, outrage, and murder. This chieftain 

srunmoned all his followers from the mountains and invited these 

to work their complete will upon this great mass of Armenians. 

Day after day and night after night the prettiest girls were 

carried away ; sometimes they returned in a pitiable condition 

that told the full story of their sufferings. Any stragglers, those 

who were so old and infirm and sick that they could not keep up 

with the marches, were promptly killed. Whenever they reached 

a Turkish village all the local vagabonds were permitted to prey 

upon the Armenian girls. When the diminishing band reached 

the Euphrates they saw the bodies of 200 men floating upon 

the surface. By this time they had all been so repeatedly 

robbed that they had practically nothing left except a few 

ragged clothes, and even these the Kurds now took, the con 

sequence being that the whole convoy marched for five days 

completely naked under the scorching desert sun. For another 

five days thej^ did not have a morsel of bread or a drop of water. 

'' Hundreds fell dead on the way," the report reads ; " their 

tongues were turned to charcoal, and when, at the end of five 

days, they reached a fountain, the whole convoy naturally 

rushed toward it. But here the policemen barred the way and 

forebade them to take a single drop of water. Their purpose 

was to sell it at from one to three liras a cup, and sometimes 

they actually withheld the water after getting the money. At 

another place, where there were wells, some women threw them 

selves into them, as there was no rope or pail to draw up the' 

water. These women were drowned and, in spite of that, the 

rest of the people drank from that well, the dead bodies still 

remaining there and polluting the water. Sometimes when the 



The Murder of a Nation 2 it 

wells were shallow and the women could go dow^n into them and 
come out again, the other people would rush to lick or suck their 
wet, dirty clothes, in the effort to quench their thirst. When 
they passed an Arab village in their naked condition the Arabs 
pitied them and gave them old pieces of cloth to cover them- 
selves with. Some of the exiles who still had money bought 
some clothes : but some still remained who travelled thus naked 
all the way to the city of Aleppo. The poor women cculd 
hardly walk for shame ; they all walked bent double." 

On the seventieth day a few creatures reached Aleppo. Out 
of the combined convey of 18,000 souls just 150 women and 
children reached their destination. A few of the rest, the most 
attractive, were still hving as captives of the Kurds and Turks ; 
all the rest were dead. 

My only reason for relating such dreadful things as this is 
that, without the details, the English-speaking public cannot 
understand precisely what this nation is wliich we call Turkey. 
I have by no means told the most terrible details, for a complete 
narration of the sadistic orgies of which these Armenian men 
and women were the victims can never be printed in an American 
publication. Whatever crimes the most perverted instincts of 
the human mind can devise, and whatever refinements of persecu- 
tion and injustice the most debased imagination can conceive, 
became the daily misfortunes of this devoted people. I am 
confident that the whole history of the human race contains no 
yuch horrible episode as this. The great massacres and persecu- 
tions of the past seem almost insignificant when compared to the 
sufferings of the Armenian race in 1915. The slaughter of the 
Albigenses in the early part of the thirteenth century has always 
been regarded as one of the most pitiful events in history. In 
these outbursts of fanaticism about 60,000 people were killed. 
In the massacre of St. Bartholomew about 30,000 human beings 
lost their lives. The Sicilian Vespers, which has always figured 
as one of the most fiendish outbursts of this kind, caused the 
cltstruction of 8,000. Volumes have been written about the 
Spanish Inquisition under Torquemada, yet in the eighteen years 
< t his administration only a httlc more than 8,000 heretics were 
(lone to death. Perhaps the one event in history that most 
nsembles the Armenian deportations was the expulsion of the 
Jtws from Spain by Ferdinand and Isabella. According to 
Prescott 160,000 were uprooted from their homes and scattered 
broadcast over Africa and Europe. Yet all these previous 
piTsecutions seem almost trivial when we compare them with the 
-ufferings of the Armenians, in which at least 600,000 people 



212 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

were destroyed and perhaps as many as 1,000,000. And these 
earlier massacres, when we compare them v/ith the spirit that 
directed the Armenian atrocities, have one feature that we can 
almost describe as an excuse : they were the product of religious 
fanaticism, and most of the men and women who instigated them 
sincerely believed that they were devoutly serving their Maker. 
Undoubtedly religious fanaticism was an impelling motive with 
the Turkish and Kurdish rabble who slew Armenians as a service 
to Allah, but the men who really conceived the crime had no such 
motive. Practically all of them were atheists, with no more 
respect for Mohammedanism than for Christianity, and with 
them the one motive was a cold-blooded, calculating state poHcy. 

The Armenians are not the only subject people in Turkey 
who have suffered from this policy of making Turkey ex- 
clusively the country of the Turks. The story which I have told 
about the Armenians I could also tell with certain modifications 
about the Greeks and the Syrians. Indeed, the Greeks were the 
first victims of this nationalising idea. I have already described 
how, in the few months preceding the European war, the Ottoman 
Government began deporting its Greek subjects along the coast 
of Asia Minor. These outrages aroused little interest in Europe 
or the United States, yet in the space of three or four months 
about 400,000 Greeks were taken from their age-long homes in 
the Mediterranean littoral and removed to the Greek Islands in 
the ^gean Sea. For the larger part these were bona fide deporta- 
tions ; that is, the Greek inhabitants were actually removed to 
new places and were not subjected to wholesale massacre. It 
was probably for the reason that the civilised world did not 
protest against these deportations that the Turks afterward 
decided to apply the same methods on a larger scale not only to 
the Greeks but to the Armenians, Syrians, Nestorians, and others 
of its subject peoples. In fact, Bedri Bey, the Prefect of Police 
at Constantinople, himself told one of my secretaries that the 
Turks had expelled the Greeks so successfully that they had 
decided to adopt the same method to all the other races in the 
•empire. 

The martyrdom of the Greeks therefore comprised two 
periods, that antedating the war, and that which began in the 
early part of 1915. The first affected the Greeks living on thei 
sea-coast of Asia Minor. The second affected those living in 
Thrace and in the territories surrounding the Sea of Marmora, 
the Dardanelles, the Bosphorus, and the coast of the Black Sea, 
These latter, to the extent of several hundred thousand, were 
sent to the interior of Asia Minor. The Turks adopted almost 



The Murder of a Nation 213 

identically the same procedure against the Greeks as that which 
they had adopted against the Annenians. They began by 
incorporating the Greeks into the Ottoman Army and then trans- 
forming them into labour battahons, using them to build roads 
in the Caucasus and other scenes of action. These Greek 
soldiers, just like the Armenians, died by thousands from cold, 
hunger, and other privations. The same house-to-house searches 
for hidden weapons took place in the Greek villages, and Greek 
men and women were beaten and tortured just as were their 
fellow Armenians. The Greeks had to submit to the same forced 
requisitions, which amounted in their case, as in the case of the 
Armenians, merely to plundering on a wholesale scale. The 
Turks attempted to force the Greek subjects to become Moham- 
medans ; Greek girls, just like Armenian girls, were stolen and 
taken to Turkish harems, and Greek bo3's were kidnapped and 
placed in Moslem households. The Greeks, just like the Arme- 
nians, were accused of disloyalty to the Ottoman Govern- 
ment ; the Turks accused them of furnishing supplies to the 
Enghsh submarines in the Marmora and also of acting as spies. 
The Turks also declared that the Greeks were not lo3^al to the 
Ottoman Government, but that they also locked forward to the 
day when the Greeks outside of Turkey would become part of 
Greece. These latter charges were unquestionably true ; that 
the Greeks, after suffering for five centuries the most unspeakable 
outrages at the hands of the Turks, should look longingly to the 
day when their territory should be part of the Fatherland, was 
to be expected. The Turks, as in the case of the Armenians, 
seized upon this as an excuse for a violent onslaught on the whole 
race. Everywhere the Greeks Vv'ere gathered in groups and, 
under the so-called protection of Turkish gendarmes, they were 
transported, the larger part on foot, into the interior. Just how 
many were scattered in this fashion is not definitely known, the 
estimates varying anywhere from 200,000 up to 1,000,000. These 
caravans suffered great privations, but they were not submitted 
to general massacre as were the Armenians, and this is probably 
the reason why the outside world has not heard so much about 
them. The Turks showed them tliis greater consideration not 
from any motive of pity. The Greeks, unlike the Armenians, 
had a Government which was vitally interested in their welfare. 
At this time there was a general appreiiension among the Teutonic 
Allies that Greece would enter the war on the side of the Entente, 
and a wholesale massacre of Greeks in Asia Minor would un- 
questionabl}' have produced such a state of mind in Greece that 
its pro-German king would have been unable longer to have kept 



214 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

his country out of the war. It was only a matter of state policy, 
therefore, that saved these Greek subjects of Turkey from all the 
horrors that befell the Armenians. But their sufferings are still 
terrible, and constitute another chapter in the long story of 
crimes for which civilisation will hold the Turk responsible. 



CHAPTER XXV 

TALAAT TELLS WHY HE " ANNIHILATES " THE ARMENIANS 

It was some time before the story of the Armenian atrocities 
reached the American Embassy in all their horrible details. In 
January and February fragmentary reports began to filter in, 
but the tendency was at first to regard them as mere manifesta- 
tions of the disorders that had prevailed in the Armenian pro- 
vinces for many years. When the reports came from Urumia 
both Enver and Talaat dismissed them as wild exaggerations, 
and when for the first time we heard of the disturbances at Van, 
these Turkish officials declared that they were nothing more 
than a mob uprising which they would soon have under control. 
I now see what was not apparent in those early months, that the 
Turkish Government was determined to keep the news, as long 
as possible, from the outside world. It was clearly the intention 
that Europe and America should hear of the annihilation of 
the Armenian race only after that annihilation had been 
accompUshed. As the country which the Turks particularly 
wished to keep in ignorance was the United States, they resorted 
to most shameless prevarications when discussing the situation 
with myself and with my staff. 

In early April the authorities arrested about two hundred 
Armenians in Constantinople and sent them into the interior. 
Many of those who were then deported were educational and 
social leaders and men who were prominent in industry and in 
finance. I knew many of these men and therefore felt a personal 
interest in their misfortunes. But when I spoke to Talaat about 
their expulsion, he repUed that the Government was acting in 
self-defence. The Armenians at Van, he said, had already 
shown their abihties as revolutionists ; he knew that these 
leaders in Constantinople were corresponding with the Russians, 
and he had every reason to fear that they would start an in- 
surrection against the Central Governnient. The safest plan, 
therefore, was to send them to Angora and other interior towns. 
Talaat denied that this was part of any general concerted scheme 
to rid the city of its Armeman population, and insisted tliat the 
Armenian masses in Constantinople would not be disturbed. 



21 6 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

But soon the accounts from the interior became more specific 
and more disquieting. The withdrawal of the AUied fleet from 
the Dardanelles produced a distinct change in the atmosphere. 
Until then there were numerous indications that all was not 
going well in the Armenian provinces ; when it at last became 
definitely established, however, that the traditional friends of 
Armenia, Great Britain, France, and Russia, could do nothing to 
help that suffering people, the mask began to disappear. In 
April I was suddenl}^ deprived of the privilege of using the cipher 
for communicating with American Consuls. The most rigorous 
censorship also was applied to letters. Such measures could 
mean only that things were happening in Asia Minor which the 
authorities were determined to conceal. But they did not 
succeed. Though all sorts of impediments were placed to 
travelling, certain Americans, chiefly missionaries, succeeded in 
getting through. For hours they would sit in my ofiice and, 
with tears streaming down their faces, tell me of the horrors 
through which they had passed. Many of these, both men and 
women, were almost broken in health from the scenes which they 
had witnessed. In many cases they brought me letters from 
American Consuls, confirming the most dreadful of their narra- 
tions and adding many unprintable details. The general purport 
of all these first-hand reports was that the utter depravity and 
fiendishness of the Turkish nature, already sufficiently celebrated 
through the centuries, had now surpassed itself. There was only 
one hope of saving nearly 2,000,000 people from massacre, 
starvation, and even worse, I was told — that was the moral power 
of the United States. These spokesmen of a condemned nation 
declared that, unless the American Ambassador could persuade 
the Turk to stay his destro5dng arm, the whole Armenian nation 
must disappear. It was not only American and Canadian 
missionaries who made this personal appeal. Several of their 
German associates begged me to intercede. These men and 
women confirmed all the worst things which I had heard, and 
they were unsparing in denouncing their own Fatherland. They 
did net conceal the humiliation which they felt as Germans in the 
fact that their own nation was allied with a people that could 
perpetrate such infamies, but they understood German policy 
well enough to know that Germany would not intercede. There 
was no use in expecting aid from the Kaiser, they said — America 
must stop the massacres, or the}' would go on. 

Technically, of course, I had no right to interfere. According 
to the cold-blooded legalities of the situation, the treatment of 
Turkish subjects by the Turkish Government was purely a 



Talaat tells why he ♦♦ annihilates " the Armenians 217 

domestic affair ; unless it directly affected American lives and 
American interests it was outside the concern of the American 
Government. When I first approached Talaat on the subject 
he called my attention to this fact in no uncertain terms. This 
interview was one of the most exciting which I had had up to that 
time. Two missionaries had just called upon me, giving the full 
details of the frightful happenings at Konia. After listening to 
their stories I could not restrain myself, and went immediately 
to the Sublime Porte. I saw at once that Talaat was in one of 
his most ferocious .states of mind. For months he had been 
attempting to secure the release of two of his closest friends, 
Ayoub Sabri and Zinnoun, who were held as prisoners by the 
English at Malta. His failure in this matter was a constant 
grievance and irritation ; he was always talking about it, always 
making new suggestions for getting his friends back to Turkey, 
and always appealing to me for help. So furious did the Turkish 
Boss become when thinking about his absent friends that we 
usually referred to these manifestations as Talaat in his " Ayoub 
Sabri moods." This particular morning the Minister of the 
Interior was in one of his worst " Ayoub Sabri moods." Once 
more he had been working for the release of the exiles, and once 
more he had failed. As usual, he attempted to preserve outer 
calm and courtesy to me, but his short, snappy phrases, bis bull- 
dog rigidity, and his wrists planted on the table showed that it 
was an unfavourable moment to stir him to any sense of pity or 
remorse. I first spoke to him about a Canadian missionary. 
Dr. McNaughton, who was receiving harsh treatment in Asia 
Minor. 

"The man is an English agent," he replied, "and we have 
the evidence for it." 

" Let me see it," I asked. 

" We'll do nothing for any Englishman or any Canadian," he 
repUed, " until they release Ayoub and Zinnoun." 

" But you promised to treat English in the employ of Ameri- 
cans as Americans," I repHcd. * 

" That may be," rejoined the Minister, " but a promise is not 
made to be kept for ever. I withdraw that promise now. There 
is a time limit on a promise." 

" But if a promise is not binding, what is ? " I asked. 

" A guarantee," Talaat answered quickly. 

This fine Turkish distinction had a certain metaphysical 
interest, but I had more practical matters to discuss at that time. 
So I began to talk about the Armenians at Konia. I had started, 
when Talaat 's attitude became even more belligerent. His eyes 



2i8 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

lighted up, he brought his jaws together, leaned over toward me, 
and snapped out : 

" Are they Americans ? " 

The imphcations of this question were hardly diplomatic ; 
it was merely a way of telling me that the matter was none of 
my business. In a moment Talaat said this in so many words. 

" The Armenians are not to be trusted," he said ; " besides, 
what we do with them does not concern the United States." 

I replied that I regarded myself as the friend of the Armenians 
and was shocked at the way that they were being treated. But 
he shook his head and refused to discuss the matter. I saw that 
nothing could be gained by forcing the issue at that time. I 
spoke on behalf of another British subject who was not being 
treated properly. 

" He's English, isn't he ? " answered Talaat. " Then I shall 
do as I like with him ! " 

" Eat him, if you wish ! " I repHed. 

" Oh," said Talaat, " he would go against my digestion." 

He was altogether in a reckless mood. " Gott strafe Eng- 
land ! " he shouted, using one of the few German phrases that 
he knew. " As to your Armenians, we don't give a rap for the 
future ! We live only in the present ! As to the EngHsh, I wish 
you would telegraph Washington that we shall not do a thing for 
them until they let out Ayoub Sabri and Zinnoun ! " 

Then, leaning over, he struck a pose, pressed his hand to his 
head, and said in EngUsh — I think this must have been almost 
all the English he knew : 

" Ayoub Sabri — he — my — brudder ! " 

Despite this, I made another plea for Dr. McNaughton. 

" He's not American," said Talaat, " he's a Canadian." 

" It's almost the same thing," I said. 

" Well," replied Talaat, " if I let him go will you promise 
that the United States will annex Canada ? " 

" I promise," said I, and we both laughed at this Uttie joke. 

" Every time you come here," Talaat finally said, " you 
always steal something from me. All right, you can have your 
McNaughton ! " 

Certainly this interview was not an encouraging beginning, so 
far as the Armenians were concerned. But Talaat was noti 
always in an " Ayoub Sabri mood." He went from one emotion 
to another as lightly as a child ; I would find him fierce and 
.un3delding one day, and uproariously good-natured and accom- 
modating the next. Prudence indicated, therefore, that I should '^j 
await one of his more congenial moments before approacliing liim 



Talaat tells why he " annihilates " the Armenians 219 

on the subject that aroused all the barbarity in his 'nature. Such 
an opportunity soon presented itself. One day, soon after the 
interview chronicled above, I called on Talaat again. The first 
thing he did was to open his desk and pull out a handful of 
yellow cablegrams. 

" Why don't you give this money to us ? " he said, with a 
grin. 

" What money ? " I asked. 

" Here is a cablegram for you from America, sending you a 
lot of money for the Armenians. You ought not to use it that 
way : give it to us Turks, we need it as badly as they do." 

" I have not received any such cablegram," I replied. 

" Oh no, but you will," he answered. " I always get all your 
cablegrams tirst, you know. After I have finished reading them 
I send them around to you." 

This statement w^as the hteral truth. Every morning all the 
open cablegrams received in Constantinople were forwarded to 
Talaat, who read them all before consenting to their being 
forwarded to their destination. Even the cablegrams of the 
Ambassadors were apparently not exempt, though, of course, the 
ciphered messages were not interfered with. Ordinarily I might 
have protested against this infringement of my rights, but Talaat 's 
engaging frankness in pilfering my correspondence, and in even 
waving my own cablegrams in my face, gave me an excellent 
opening to introduce the forbidden subject. 

I thought I would be a little tactful, and so began by suggest- 
ing that the Central Government was probably not to blame for 
the massacres. 

But on this occasion, as on many others, Talaat was evasive 
and non-committal, and showed much hostiUty to the interest 
which the American people were manifesting in the Armenians. 
He explained his policy on the ground that the Amienians were 
in constant correspondence with the Russians. The definite 
impression which these conversations left upon me was that 
Talaat was the most implacable enemy of this persecuted race. 
" He gave me the impression," such is the entry which I find in 
my diary on August 3rd, " that Talaat is the one who desires to 
crush the poor Armenians." He told me that the Union and 
Progress Committee had carefully considered the matter in all 
iis details, and that the policy which was being pursued was that 
wliich they had officially adopted. He said that I must not get 
the idea that the deportations had been decided upon hastily ; 
in reality they wore the result of prolonged and careful delibera- 
tion, lo my repeated appeals that he should show mercy to 



220 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

these people he sometimes responded seriously, sometimes 
angrily, and sometimes flippantly. 

" Some day," he once said, " I will come and discuss the 
whole Armenian subject with you," and then he added in a low 
tone in Turkish, " But that day will never come." 

" Why are you interested in the Armenians, anyway ? " he 
said on another occasion. " You are a Jew ; these people are 
Christians. The Mohammedans and the Jew^s always get on 
harmoniously. We are treating the Jews here all right. What 
have you to complain of ? Why can't you let us do with these 
Christians as we please ? " 

I had always remarked that the Turks regard practically 
every question as a personal matter, yet this point oi view rather 
stunned me. It was, however, a complete revelation of Turkish 
mentahty ; the fact that, above all considerations of race and 
religion, there are such things as humanity and civilisation never 
for a moment enters their mind. They can understand a 
Christian fighting for a Christian and a Jew fighting for a Jew, 
but such abstractions as justice and decency form no part of 
their conception of things. 

" You dcn't seem to realise," I replied, '" that I am not here 
as a Jew, but as American Ambassador. My country contains 
something more than 97,000,000 Christians and something less 
than 3,000,000 Jews. So, at least in my ambassadorial capacity, 
I am 97 per cent. Christian. But, after ail, that is not the point 
I do not appeal to you in the name of any race or any religion 
but merely as a hum.an being. You have told me many times 
that you want to make Turkey a part of the modern progressive 
world. The way you are treating the Arm.enians wil) not help 
you to realise that ambition ; it puts you in the class of backward,^ 
reactionary peoples." 

" We treat the Americans ail right, too," said Talaat, " I don't 
see why you should complain." 

" But Am.ericans are outraged at your persecutions of the 
Armenians," I rephed. " You must base your principles on 
himianitarianism, not racial discrimination, or the United States 
will not regard you as a friend and an equal. And ^i'ou should 
understand the great changes that are taking place among 
Christians all over the world. They are forgetting their 
differences and all sects are coming together as one. You lool^ 
down on American missionaries, but don't forget that it is the 
best element in America that supports their work, especially theii 
educational institutions!*^ Americans are not mere materialists,' 
always chasing money — they are broadly humanitarian, and 
interested in the spread of justice and civilisation throughout the 



Talaat tells why he " annihilates " the Armenians 221 

world. \ After this war is over you will face a new situation. You 
say that if victorious you can defy the world, but you are wrong. 
You will have to meet public opinion everywhere, especially in 
the United States. Our people will never forget these massacres. 
They nWH always resent the wilful destruction of Christians in 
Turkey. They will lock upon it as nothing but wilful murder, 
and will seriously conde'nm ail the men who arc- responsible for it. 
You will not be able to protect yourself under your political status 
and say that 3^ou acted as Minister of the Interior and not as 
Talaat. You are defying all ideas of justice as we understand 
the term in our country." 

Strangely enough, these remarks did not offend Talaat, but 
they did not shake his determination. I might as well have been 
, talking to a stone wall. From my abstractions he immediately 
came down to something definite. 

" These people," he said, " refused to disarm when we told 
them to. They opposed us at Van and at Zeitoun, and they 
helped the Russians. There is only one way in which we can 
defend ourselves against them in the future, and that is just to 
deport them." f2>wvrtT s^-jvi ', -- 

" Suppose a few Armenians did betray you," I said. " Is 
that a reason for destroying a whole race ? Is that an excuse for 
making innocent women and children suffer ? " 
" Those things are inevitable," he replied. 
This remark to me was not quite so illuminating a? one which 
he made subsequently to a reporter of the Berliner Tagehlatt, who 
asked him the same question. " We have been reproached," he 
said, according to this interviewer, " for making no distinction 
between the innocent Armenians and the guilty ; but that was 
utterly impossible in view of the fact that those who were 
innocent to-day might be guilty to-morrow " ! 

My repeated protestations evidently persuaded Talaat that 
at least I was entitled to an explanation of the official attitude of 
the Ottoman Government. In the early part of August, there- 
fore, he sent a personal messenger to me, asking me if I could 
not see him alone, as he wished to go over the whole Armenian 
situation. This was the fi.rst time that Talaat had admitted that 
i his treatment of the Annenians was a matter with which I had 
I any concern. The interview took place two days afterwards. 
; It so happened that since the last time I had visited Talaat I had 
I shaved my beard. As soon as I came in the burly Minister 
I began talking in liis customary bantering fashion. " You have 
I become a young man again," he said ; " you are so young now 
\ that I cannot come to you for advice any more." 
\ " I have shaved my beard," I replied, " because it had 



222 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

become very grey — made grey by your treatment of the 
Armenians." 

After this exchange of compliments we settled down to the 
business in hand. " Whenever you have any Armenian matters 
to discuss," Talaat began, " T should always prefer that you see 
me alone. I have asked you to come to-day so that I can 
explain our position on the whole Armenian subject. We base 
our objections to the Armenians on three distinct grounds. In 
the first place, they have enriched themselves at the expense of 
the Turks. In the second place, they are determined to domineer 
over U5. and to establish a separate State. In the third place, they 
have openly encouraged our enemies. They have assisted the 
Russians in the Caucasus, and our failure there is largel}^ explained 
bj^ their actions. We have therefore come to the irrevocable 
decision that we shall make them powerless before this war is 
ended." 

On every one of these points I had plenty of argum.ents and 
rebuttal. Talaat's first objection was merely an admission that 
the Armenians were more industrious and more able than the 
thick- Vv'itted and lazy Turk. Massacre as a means of destroying 
business competition was certainly an original conception ! His 
general charge that the Armenians were " conspiring " against 
Turkey, and that they openly sympathised with Turkey's enemaes, i 
merely meant, when reduced to its oiiginal elements, that the 
Armenians were constantly appealing to the European Powers to \ 
protect them against robbery, murder, and outrage. The 
Armenian problem, like all race problems, v/as the result of 
centuries of ill-treatment and injustice. There could be only one 
solution for it, the creation of an orderly system of government, 
in which all citizens were to be treated upon an equalit}', and in 
which all offences were to be punished as the acts of individuals, 
and not as of peoples. I argued for a long time along these and : 
similar lines. 

" It is no use for you to argue," Talaat answered,. " we have 
already disposed of three-quarters of the Armenians ; there are 
none at ail left in Bitlis, Van, and Erzeroum. The hatred 
between the Turks and the Armenians is now so intense that we 
have got to finish with them. If we don't, they will plan their 
revenge." 

" If you are not influenced by humane considerations," I 
replied, " think of the material loss. These people are your 
business men. They control many of j'-our industries. They are 
your largest tax-payers. What would become of you com- 
mercially without them ? " 



Talaat tells why he " annihilates " the Armenians 223 

" We care nothing about the commercial loss," replied 
Talaat. " We have figured all that out and we know that it 
will not exceed five million pounds. We don't worry about that. 
I have asked you to come here so as to let you know that our 
Armenian policy is absolutely fixed and that nothing can change 
it. We will not have the Armenians anywhere in Anatolia. 
They can live in the desert, but nowhere else." 

I still attempted to persuade Talaat that the treatment of 
the Aimenians was destroying Turkey in the eyes of the world, 
and that Ids country would never be able to recover from this 
infamy. 

" You are making a tenible mistake," I said, and repeated 
the statement three times. 

" Yes, we may make mistakes," he replied, " but " — and he 
firmly closed his hps and shook his head — " we never regret." 

I had many talks Viith Talaat on the Armenians, but I never 
succeeded in moving him in the slightest degree. He always 
came back to the points which he made in this interview. He was 
very willing to grant any request I made on behalf of the Ameri- 
cans, or even of the French and English, but I could obtain no 
general concessions for the Armenians. He seemed to me 
always to have the deepest personal feeling in this matter. His 
antagonism to the Armenians seemed to increase as their suffer- 
ings increased. One day, discussing a particular Armenian, I 
told Talaat that he was mistaken in regarding this man as an 
i enemy of the Turks ; that in reality he was their friend. 

" No Armenian," replied Talaat, '.' can be our friend after 
what we have done to them." 

One da}^ Talaat made what was perhaps the most astonishing 
request I had ever heard. The New York Life Insurance 
Company and the Equitable Life of New York had for years done 
considerable business among the Armenians. The extent to 
which they insured their lives was merely another indication of 
their thrifty habits. 

" I wish," Talaat row said, " that you would get the American 
life insurance companies to send us a com.plete list of their 
Armenian policy-holders. They aie practically all dead now, 
and have left no heirs to collect the money. It, of course, all 
'^scheats to the State. The Government is the beneficiary now. 
Will you do so ? " 

This was almost too much, and I lost my temper. 

" You will get no such fists from me," I said, and got up and 
I ft him. 

One other episode involving the Armenians stirred Talaat to 



224 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

one of his most ferocious moods. In the latter part of September 
Mrs. Morgenthan left for America. The sufferings of the Arme- 
nians had greatly preyed upon her mind, and she really left 
for home tecause she could not any longer endure to live in such 
a country. But she deteiTnined to make one last intercession 
for this poor people on her own account. Her way home took 
her through Bulgaria, and she had received an intimation that 
Queen Eleanor of that country would be glad to receive her. 
Perhaps it was Mrs. Morgenthau's well-known interest in social 
work that led to this invitation. Queen Eleanor was a high- 
minded woman, who had led a sad and lonely existence, and who 
w^as spending most of her time attempting to improve the con- 
dition of the poor in Bulgaria. She knew all about social work 
in the American cities, and a few years before she had made all 
her plans to visit the Urdted States in order to study our settle- 
ments at first hand. At the time of Mrs. Morgenthau's visit the 
Queen had two American nurses from the Henry Street Settle- 
ment of New York instructing a group of Bulgarian girls in the 
methods of the American Red Cross. 

My wife was mainly interested in visiting the Queen in order 
that, as one woman to another, she might make a plea for the 
Armenians. At that time the question of Bulg.aria's entrance 
into the war had reached a critical stage, and Turkey was pre- 
pared to make concessions to gain her as an ally. It was therefore 
a propitious moment to make such an appeal. 

The Queen received Mrs. Morgenthau informally, and my wife 
spent about an hour telling her all about the Armenians. Most 
of what she said was entirely new to the Queen. Little had yet 
appeared in the European Press en this subject, and Queen 
Eleanor was precisely the kind of woman from whom the truth 
would be concealed as long as possible. Mrs. Morgenthau gave 
her all the facts about the treatment of Armenian women and 
children and asked her to intercede on their behalf. She even 
went so far as to suggest that it w^ould be a terrible tfdng for 
Bulgaria, which in the past had herself suffered such atrocities at 
the hands of the Turks, now to become their allies in war. Queen 
Eleanor was greatly moved. She thanked my wife for telling 
her these truths and said that she would intercede immediately 
and see if something could not be done. 

Just as Mrs. IMorgenthau was getting ready to leave she sawj 
the Duke of Mecklenburg standing near the door. The Duke was T 
in Sofia at that time attempting to arrange for Bulgaria's partici- 
pation in the war. The Queen introduced him to Mrs. Morgen- 
thau ; his Highness was polite, but hjs air was rather cold anc , 



Talaat tells why he ♦' annihilates " the Armenians 225 

injured. His whole manner, particularly the stern glances v;hich 
he cast on Mrs. Morgenthau, showed that he had heard a con- 
siderable part of the conversation ! As he was exerting all his 
efforts to bring Bulgaria in on Germany's side, it is not surprising 
that he did not relish the hope which Mrs. Morgenthau expressed 
to the Queen that Bulgaria should not ally herself with Tmkey. 

Queen Eleanor immediately interested herself in the Armenian 
cause, and, as a result, the Bulgarian Minister to Turkey was 
instructed to protest against the atrocities. This protest 
accomplished nothing, but it did arouse Talaat's momentary 
wrath against the American Ambassador. A few days afterward, 
when routine business called me to the Sublime Porte, I found him 
in an exceedingly ugly humour. He answered most of my 
questions savagely and in monosyllables, and I was afterward 
told that Mrs. Morgenthau's intercession with the Queen had put 
him into this mood. In a few days, however, he was as good- 
natured as ever ; for Bulgaria had taken sides with Turkey. 

Talaat's attitude toward the Armenians was summed up in 
the proud boast which he made to his friends : " I have accom- 
plished more toward solving the Amienian problem in three 
months than Abdul Hamid accomphshed in thirty years ! " 



CHAPTER XXVI 

ENVER PASHA DISCUSSES THE ARMENIANS 

All this time I was bringing pressure upon Enver also. The 
Minister of War, as I have already indicated, was a different type 
of man from Talaat He concealed his real feelings much more 
successfully ; he was usually suave, cold-blooded, and scrupu- 
lously polite. And at first he was by no means so callous as 
Talaat in discussing the Armenians. He dismissed the early 
stories as wild exaggerations, declared that the troubles at Van 
were merely ordinary warfare, and attempted to quiet my fears 
that the wholesale annihilation of the Armenians had been 
decided on. Yet all the time that Enver was attempting to 
deceive me he was making open admissions to other people —a 
fact of which I was aware. In particular, he made no attempt to 
conceal the real situation from Dr. I.epsius, a representative of 
German missionary interests. Dr. Lepsius was a high-minded 
Christian gentleman. He had been all through the Armenian 
massacres of 1895, and he had raised considerable sums of money 
to buOd orphanages for Armenian children who had lost their 
parents at that time. He came again in 1915 to investigate the 
Armenian situation on behalf of German missionary interests. 
He asked for the privilege of inspecting the repoils of American 
Consuls, and I granted it. These documents, supplemented by 
other information which Dr. Lepsius derived largely from 
German missionaries in the interior, left no doubt in his mind as 
to the policy of the Turks. His feelings were aroused cliiefly 
against his own Government. He expressed to me the humilia- 
tion which he felt, as a German, that the Turks should deliberately 
set about to exterminate their Christian subjects while Gennany, 
ostensibly a Christian country, was making no endeavours to 
prevent it. To him Enver scarcely concealed the official purpose. 
Dr. Lepsius was simply staggered by his frankness, for Enver 
told liim in so many words that they at last had an opportunity 
to rid themselves of the Anrienians and that they proposed to 
use it. 

By this time Enver had become more frank with me — the 
circumstantial reports which I possessed made it useless for him 



Enver Pasha Discusses the Armenians 227 

to attempt to conceal the true situation further — and we had 
many long and animated discussions on the subject. One of 
these I recall with particular vividness. I notified Enver that I 
intended to take up the matter in detail, and he laid aside enough 
time to go over the whole situation. 

" The Armenians had a fair warning," Enver began, " of what 
would happen to t?iem in case they joined our enemies. Three 
months ago I sent for the Amienian Patriarch and told him 
that if the Armenians attempted to start a revolution, or to assist 
the Russians, I would be unable to prevent mischief from happen- 
ing to them. My warning produced no effect, and the Armenians 
started a revolution and helped the Russians. You know what 
happened at Van. They obtained control of the city, used 
bombs against Government buildings, and killed a large number 
of Moslems. We knew that they were planning uprisings in 
other places. You must understand that we are now fighting 
for our lives at the Dardanelles, and that we are sacrificing 
thousands of men^(\Vhile we are engaged in such a struggle as 
this we carmot permit people in our ov/n country to attack us in 
the back.") We have got to prevent this, no matter what means 
we have to resort to. It is absolutely true that I am not opposed 
to the Armenians as a people. I have the greatest admiration 
for their intelligence and industry, and I should like nothing 
better than to see them become a real part of our nation. But if 
they ally themselves with our enemies, as they did in the Van 
district, they will have to be destroyed. I have taken pains to 
see that no injustice is done ; only recently I gave orders to have 
three Armenians who had been deported returned to their homes 
when I found that they were innocent. Russia, France, Great 
Britain and America are doing the Armenians no kindness by 
sympathising with and encouraging them. I know what such 
encouragement micans to a people who are inclined to revolution. 
When our Union and Progress Party attacked Abdul Ilamid we 
received all our moral encouragement from the outside world. 
This enco\iragement was of great help to us and b.ad much to do 
with our success. It might similarly now help the Armenians 
and their revolutionary programme. I am sure that if these 
outside countries did not encourage them they would give up 
their efforts to oppose the present Government and become 
law-al)iding citizens. We now have this country in our absolute 
control, and we can easily revenge ourselves on any revolutionists.' 

' 'After all," I said, " suppose what you say is true, why not 
punish tlic guilty ? Why sacrifice a whole race for' the alleged 
crimes of individuals ? " 



228 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

".Your point is all right dining peace times," replied Enver. 
" We can then use Platonic means to quiet Armenians and 
Greeks ; but in time of war we cannot investigate and negotiate. 
We must act promptly and with determination. I also think 
that the Armenians are making a mistake in depending upon the 
Russians. The Russians really would rather see them killed 
than alive. They are as great a danger to the Russians as they 
are to us. If they should form an independent government in 
Turke\', the Armenians in Russia would attempt to form an 
independent government there. The Armenians have also been 
guilty of massacres. In the entire district around Van only 
30,000 Turks escaped ; all the rest were murdered by the Arme- 
nians and Kuids. I attempted to protect the non-ccmbatants 
at the Caucasus ; I gave orders that they should not be injured, 
but I found that the situation was beyond my control. There 
are about 70,000 Armenians in Constantinople, and they will not 
be molested, except those who are Dashnaguists and those who 
are plotting against the Turks. However, I think you can ease 
your mind on the whole subject, as there will be no more massacres 
of Armenians." 

I did not take seriously Enver's concluding statement. At 
the time that he was speaking massacres and deportations were 
taking place all over the Armenian provinces, and they went on 
almost without interruption for several months. 

As soon as the reports reached the United States the question 
of relief became a pressing one. In the latter part of July I 
heard that there were 5,000 Armenians from Zeitoun and Sultanie 
who were receiving no food whatever. I spoke about them to 
Enver, who positively declared that they would receive proper 
food. He did not receive favourably any suggestion that 
American representatives should go to that part of the country 
and assist and care for the exiles. 

" For any American to do this," he said, '* would encourage 
all Armenians and make further trouble. There are about 
28,000,000 people in Turkey, and i, coo ,000 Armenians, and 
we do not propose to have 1,000,000 disturb the peace of 
the rest of the population. The great trouble with the 
Armenians is that they are sej)aratists. They are determined to 
have a kingdom of their own, and they have allowed themselves 
to be fooled by the Russians. Because the}^ ha\'e relied upon the 
friendship of the Russians they have helped them in this war. 
We are determined that they behave just as Turks do. You must 
remember that when we started this revolution in Turkey there j 
were onlv 200 of us. With these few followers we were 



Enver Pasha Discusses the Armenians 229 

able to deceive the Sultan and the public, who thought that \vc 
were immen-ch' more numerous and powerful than we were. We 
really prevailed upon him and the public through our sheer 
audacity, and in tliis way established the Constitution. It is our 
own experience at revolution which makes us fear the Armenians. 
If 2C0 Turks could overturn the Government, then a few 
hundred bright, educated i\rmcnians could do the same thing. 
We have therefore deliberately adopted the plan of scattering 
them so that they can do u-^ no harm. As I told you once before, 
I warned the Armenian Patriarch that if the Armenians attacked 
us while we were engaged in a foreign war we Turks would 
hit back, and that we should hit back indiscriminateh'." 

Enver always resented any suggestion that American 
missionaries or other friends of the Amienians should go to help 
or comfort them. 

" The}' show altogether too much sympathy for them," he 
said over and over again. 

I liad suggested that particular Americans should go to Tarsus 
and Marsovan. 

" If they should go there, I am afraid that the local people in 
those cities would become angry, and they would be incHnedto 
start seme disturbance which might cieo.te an incident. It is 
better for the Armenians themselves, therefore, thot the American 
missionaries should keep away from them." 

" But yoir are ruining the country economicall}'," I said at 
another time, making the same pornt that I had made to Talaat. 
And he answered it in almost the same words, thus showing that 
the subject had been complete!}' cam assed by the rirling power.--. 

" Economic considerations are of no importance at this time. 
The onl}' important thing is to wm. That's the only thing we 
have on our mind. If we v.in, every tiring will be all right ; if 
we lose, everything will be all wrong, anyhow. Our situation is 
desperate, I admit i*-, and we ai-e frghting as desperate men 
light. We are not going to let the Armeniairs attack us in the 
rear." 

The question of relief to the starving Armenians became 
every week a more pressing one. Enver still insisted that 
.Americans should keep away from the Armenian provinces. 

" How can we furnish bread to the Armenians," Enver 
dockired, " wlien we can't get it for our own people ? I know 
tliat they arc suffeiing and that it is quite hkciy that they cannot 
get bread at all this coming winter. But we have the utmost 
difficulty in getting flour and clothing right here in Constan- 
tinople." 



230 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

I said thai I had the money and that Aniericaii missionaries 
were anxious to go and use it for the benefit of the refugees, 

"We don', want the Americans to Jeed the Armenians,' he 
flatly replied. " That is one of the worst things that could 
happen to them. I have an-eady said tliat it is their belief that 
they have friends in other countries, which leads them to oppose 
the Government and so brings down upon tJiem all their miseries. 
If you Americans begin to distribute food and clothing among 
them, they will then think that they have powerful friends in the 
United States. This will encourage them to rebellion again, and 
then we shall have to punish them still more. If you will give 
such moriey as you have received to the Turks, we shall see that 
it is used for the benefit of the Armenians." 

Enver made this proposal with a straight face, and he made 
it not only on this occasion but on several others. At the very 
nioir.ent that Enver suggested this mechanism of relief, the 
Turkish gendarmes and the Turkish officials were not only 
robbing the Armenians of all their household possessions, of all 
their food and all their money, but they were even stripping 
women of their last shreds of clothing and prodding their naked 
bodies with bayonets as they staggered across the burning 
desert. And the Minister of War now proposed that we give our 
American money to these same guardians of the law for distribu- 
tion among their charges ! However, I had to be tactfu'. 

" If you or other heads of the Government would become 
personally responsible for the distribution," I said, " of course 
we would be glad to entrust the money to you. But, naturally, 
you would not expect us to give this money to the men who have 
been killing the Armenians and outraging their women." 

But Enver returned to his main point. 

" The}^ must never know," he said, " that they have a friend 
in the United States. That would absolutely ruin them ! It is 
far better that they starve, and in saying tliis I am really thinking 
of the welfare of the Armenians themselves. If they can only be 
convinced that they have no friends in other countries, then they 
will settle down, recognise that Turkey is their only refuge, and 
become qtiiet citizens. Your country is doing them no kindness 
by constantly showing your sympathy. You are merely drawing 
upon them greater hardships." 

In other words, the more money which the Americans sent 
to feed the Armenians, the mure Armenians Turkey intended to 
massacre ! Enver's logic was fairly maddening ; yet he did 
relent at the end and permit me to help the sufferers through 
certain missionaries. l:i all our discussions he made this hypo- 



Enver Pasha Discusses she Armenians 231 

critical plea that he was reaUy a friend of this distracted nation, 
and that even the severity of the measures which he had adopted 
was merry in disguise. Since Enver ahvays asserted that he 
wished to treat the Amienians with ir.stict — in this Iiis attitude 
to m.e was quite differt-nt from that of Talaat, who openly 
acknowledged his determination to deport them— I went to the 
pains ot preparing an elaborate plan fur bettering their condition. 
i suggested that if he wished to be just he should protect the 
innocent refugees and lessen the suffering as much as possible, 
and that for that purpose he should appoint a special Com- 
mittee ot Armeriians to assist him, and send a capable Armenian, 
such as Oskan Effendi, formerly Minister of Posts and Telegraphs,' 
to study conditions and submit suggestions for remedying the 
existing evils. Enver did not approve either of my proposals ; 
as to the first, he said that his colleagues v\ould misunderstand 
it, and, els to Oskan, he said that he admired him for his good 
work while he had been in the Cabinet and had backed him in his 
severity toward the inef&cient officials, yet he could not trust 
him because he v/as a member of the Armenian Dashuaguist 
Society. 

In another talk with Enver I began by suggesting that the 
Central Government was probably not to blame tor the massacres. 
I thought that this would not be displeasing to him. 

" Of course, I know that the Cabinet would never order such 
terrible things as have taken place," I said. " You and Talaat 
and the rest of the Conmiittee can hardly be held responsible. 
Undoubtedly your subordinates have gone much further than 
you have ever intended. I realise that it is not always easy to 
control your underhngs." 

Enver straightened up at once. I saw that my remarks, far 
from smoothing the way to a quiet and friendly discussion, had 
greatly offended hJm. 1 had intimated that things could happen 
in Tiukey for which he and his associates were not responsible. 

"You are greatly mistaken," he said, "we have this country 
absolutely under our control. I have no desire to shift the blame 
on our underlings and I am entirely willing to accept the 
responsibility myself for ever^'thing that has taken place. The 
Cabinet itself hsis ordered the deportations. I am con\inced that 
we are completely justified in doing this owing to the hostile 
attitude of the Aimenians toward the Ottoman Government, but 
We are the real rulers of Turkey and no underhng would dare 
proceed in a matter of this kind without our orders." 

Enver tried to mitigate the barbarity of his general atiitude 
by showing mercy in particular instances. 1 made no progress in 



232 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

my efforts to stop the programme of wholesale massacre, but I 
did save a few Armenians from death. One day I received word 
from the American Consul at Smyrna that seven Armenians had 
been sentenced to be hanged. These men had been ficcused of 
committing some rather vague political offence in 1909, yet 
neither Rahmi Bey, the Governor-General of Smyrna, nor the 
Military Commander believed that they were guilty. When the 
order for execution reached Smyrna these authorities wired 
Constantinople that under the Ottoman law the accused had the 
right to appeal for clemency to the Sultan. The answer Vv'hich 
was returned to this communication well illustrated the extent 
to which the lights of the Armenians were regarded at that time : 

" Technically you are right ; hang them first and send the 
petition for pardon afterward." 

I visited Enver in the interest of these men on Bairam, which 
is the greatest Mohammedan religious festival ; it is the day that 
succeeds Ramazan, their month of fasting. Bairam has one 
feature in common with Christmas, for on that day it is customary 
for Mohammedans to exchange small presents, usually sweets. 
So after the usual remarks of felicitation, I said to Enver : 

" To-day is Bairam and you haven't given me any present 

yet." 

Enver laughed. 

" What do you want ? Shall I send you a box of candies ? " 

" Oh no," I answered, " I am not so cheap as that. I want 
the pardon of the seven Armenians whom the court-martial has 
condemned at Smyrna." 

The proposition apparently struck Enver as very amusing. 

" That's a funny way of asking for a pardon," he said. 
" However, since you put it that way, I can't refuse." 

He immediately sent for fiis aide and telegraphed to Smyrna, 
setting the men free. 

Thus fortuitously is justice administered and decision involv- 
ing human lives made in Turkey ! Nothing could make clearer 
the sHght estimation in which the Turks hold life, and the slight 
extent to which principle controls their conduct. Enver spared 
these men not because he had the slightest interest in their cases, 
but simply as a personal favour to me and largely because of the 
wliimsical manner in which I had asked it ! In all my talks on 
the Armenians the Minister of War treated the whole matter more 
or less casually ; he could discuss the fate of a race hi a parenthesis 
and referto the massacre of children as nonchalantly as we would 
speak of the weather. 

One day Enver asked me to ride with him in the Belgrade 



Enver Pasha Discusses the Armenians 233 

forest. As I was losing no opportunities to influence bim, I 
accepted this invitation. We motored to Euyukdere, where four 
attendants with horses met us. In our ride through the beautiful 
forest Enver became rather more comniunicati\'e in his con- 
versation than ever before. He spoke affectionately of his father 
and mother. When they were married, he said, his father had been 
si.xteen and his mother only eleven, and he himself had been born 
when his niother was fifteen. In talking of his wife, the Imperial 
Princess, he disclosed a much softer side to his nature than I had 
hitherto seen. He spoke oi the dignity with which she graced 
his home, regretted that Mohammedan ideas of propriety pro- 
hibited her from entering social hfe, but expressed a wish that she 
and Mrs. Morgcnthau could meet. He was then furnishing a 
beautiful new palace on the Bosphorus ; when thiis was finished, 
he said, the Princess would invite my wife to breakfast. Just 
then we were passing the house and grounds of Senator Abraham 
Pasha, a very rich Armenian. This man had been an intimate 
friend of the Sultan Abdul Aziz, and, since in Turkey a man 
inherits his father's friends as well as his property, the Crown 
Prince of Turkey, a son of Abdul Aziz, made weekly visits to this 
distinguished Senator. As we passed through the park, Enver 
noticed v/ith disgust that wooiimen were cutting down trees, and 
stopped them. When I heard afterward that the Minister of 
War had bought this park I understood one of the reasons for 
his anger. Since Abraham Pasha was an Armenian, this gave 
me an opportunity to open the subject again. 

I spoke to hini of the terrible treatment from which the 
Armenian women were suffering. 

" You said that you wanted to protect women and children," 
I remarked, " but I know that your orders are not being cariied 
out." 

" Those stories can't be true," he said, " I cannot conceive 
that a Turkish soldiei would ill-treat a woman with child." 

Perhaps, if Enver could have read the circumstantial reports 
which were then lying in the archives of the Anicrican Embassy, 
he might have changed his mind. 

Shifting the conversation once more, he asked me about my 
saddle, which was the well-know]-; " General McClellan " type. 
Enver tried ii, and liked it so much that he after wards Ijorrowed 
it, had one made for his own use — even including the number in 
one corner---and he adopted it for one of his regiments. He told 
me of tht railroads which ht- was then building in Palestine, said 
how well the Cabinet was working, and pointed out that there 
Were great opportunities in Turkey now for real estate specula. 



234 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

tion. He even suggested that lie and I join hands in buying land 
that was sure to rise in value ! But 1 insisted in talking about 
the Armenians. However, I made no more progress than before. 

" We shall not permit them to cluster in places where they 
can plot rnisciuef and help our enemies. So we are going to give 
them new quarters." 

This ride was so successful from. Enver's point of view that 
we took another a few days afterward, and this time Talaat and 
Dr. Gates, the President of Robert College, accompanied us. 
Enver and I rode ahead, while our companiv^ns brought up the 
rear. These Turkish officials are e.\xeedingly jealous of their 
prerogatives, and, since the Minister of War is the ranking 
member of the Cabinet, Enver insisted on keeping a decorous 
interval between ourselves and the other pair of horsemen ! I 
was somewhat amused by this, for I knew that Talaat was the 
more powerful politician ; yet he accepted the discrimination, 
and only once did he permit his horse to pass Enver and myself. ' 
At this violation of the proprieties, Enver showed his displeasure, 
whereat Talaat paused, reined up his horse, and passed sub- ' 
missively to the rear. 

" I was merely showing Dr. Gates the gait of my horse," he 
said, with an apologetic air. 

But I was interested in more important matters than such 
fine distinction in official etiquette ; I was determined to talk 
about the Armenians. But again I failed to make any progress, 
Enver found more interesting discussions. 

He began to talk of liis horses, and now another incident 
illustrated the mercurial quaUty of the Turkish mind — the 
readiness with which a Turk passes from acts of monstrous " 
criminahty to acts of individual kindness. Enver said that the 
horse-races would take place soon and regretted that he had no 
jockey. I 

"I'll give you an EngUsh jockey," I said. " Will you make a " 
bargain ? He is a prisoner of war ; if he wins will you give him 
his freedom ? " 

"I'll do it," said Enver. 

Tills man, whose name was Fields, actually entered the races 
as Enver's jockey, and came in third. He rode for liis freedom, 
as Mr. Philip said ! Since he did not come in first, the Minister 
was not obliged, by the terms of his agreement, to let him return 
to England, but Enver stretched a point and gave him his 
libeity. 

On this same ride Enver gave me an exhibition of his skill 
as a marksman. 



Enver Pasha Discusses the Armenians 235 

At one point in the road 1 buddenly heard a pistol-shot ring 
out in the air. It was Enver 's aide practising on a near-by 
object. Suddenly Enver reined up his horse, whipped out his 
revolver, and, thrusting his aim out rigidly and horizontally, he 
took aim. 

" Do you see that twig on that tree ? " he asked me. It was 
about thirty feet away. 

When I nodded, Enver fired — and the twig dropped to the 
ground. 

The rapidity with which Enver could whip his v/eapon out of 
his pocket, ahn, and shoot gave me one convincing explanation 
for the influence which he exercised with the piratical crew that 
was then ruling Turkey. There were plenty of stones floating 
arouiid that Enver did not hesitate to use this method of suasion 
■at certain critical moments of his career ; how true they were I 
do not know, but I can certainly testify concerning the high 
icharacter of his marksmansliip. 

I Talaat also began to amuse hnnseli in the same way, and finally 

ithe two statesmen dismounted, began shooting in competition 

Olid behaving as gaily and as care-free as boys let out of school. 

!, " Have }'ou one of your cards with you ? " asked Enver. He 

irequested that I pin it to a tree which stood about fifty feet av/a^^ 

Enver then fired first. His hand was steady ; his eye went 

iitraight to the mark, and the bullet hit the card directly in the 

::entre. Tlus success rather nettled Talaat. He took aim, but 

;iis rough hand and wrist shook slightly- -he vvas not an athlete 

Uke his younger, wiry, and straiglit-backed associate. Several 

dmes Talaat hit around the edges of the card, but he could not 

duplicate Enver's skill. 

" If it had been a man I was firing at," said the bulky Turk, 

umping on his horse again, " I would have hit him several times." 

So ended my attempts to interest tlie two most powerful 

Tuiks of their dav in the destruction of one of the most valuable 

■lements in their Empire ! 

I have already said that Said Halim, the Grand Vizier, was 

lot an inHuential personage. Nominally his office was the niost 

. .niportant in the Empire ; actually the Grand Vizier was a mere 

L )lace-warmer, and Talaat and Enver controlled the present 

)incunil)ent precisely as they controlled the Sultan himself. 

rechriiealiy, the Ambassadors should have conducted their 

legotiatioiis with Said Halim, for he was I\Iinistcr for Eoreign 

^flairs. I early discovered, however, that nothing could be 

.cconiphshefl tliis way, and, though I still made my Monday calls 

.s a matter of courtesy, I preferred to deal directly with the men 



236 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

who had the real power to decide all matters. In order that 
might not be accused of neglecting any means of influencing th 
Ottoman Government, I brought the Armenian question several 
times to the Grand Vizier's attention. As he was not a Turk, bu 
an Egyptian, and a man of education and breeding, it seemed no, 
unlikely that he might have a somewhat different attitude towar 
the subject peoples. But I was wrong. The Grand Vizier wa' 
just as hcstile to the Armenians as Talaat and Enver. I soo 
found that merely mentioning the subject irritated him greatlj 
Evidently he did not care to have bis elegant ease interfered wit 
by such disagreeable and unimportant subjects. The Gran 
Vizier showed his attitude when the Greek Charge d 'Affaire 
spoke to him about the persecutions of the Greeks. Said Halir 
said that such manifestations did the Greeks mere harm tlia 
good. 

" We shall do with them just the opposite from \\hat we ai^ 
asked to do," said the Grand Vizier. 

To my appeals the nominal chief Minister was hardly moi 
statesmanlike. I had the disagreeable task of sending him, d 
behalf of the British, French, and Russian Governments, 
notification that these Powers would hold personally responsib 
for the Armenian atrocities the men who were then directi: 
Ottoman affairs. This meant, of course, that in the event 
Allied success, they would treat the Grand Vizier, Talaat, Envei 
Djemal, and their companions as ordinary murderers. As I cam 
into the room to discuss this somewhat embariassing message t 
tins member of the royal house of Egypt, he sat there, as usual 
nervously fingering his beads, and not in a particularly geni? 
frame of mind. He at once spoke of this telegram, his fa(^ 
flushed with anger, and he began a long diatribe against tt 
whole Armenian race. He declared that the Armenian " relDels' 
killed 120,000 Turks at Van. This and other of his statement 
were so absurd that I found myself spiritedly defending tH. 
persecuted race, and this aroused the Grand Vizier's wrath sfil 
further, and, switching from the AiTnenians, he began to abusv 
my own country, making the usual cliarges that our sympathy; 
with the Armenians was largely responsible for all their trouble;t 

Soon after this interview SaVd Hahm ceased to be Minister f<^ 
Foreign Affairs. His successor \\as HaHl Bey, who for som" 
years had been Speaker of the Turkisli Parliament. Halil wa 
a very different tj-pe of m.an. He was much more tactful, nmc 
more intelligent, and much more influential in Turkish affaire 
Fie was also a smooth and oil^^ conversationalist, good-nature 
and fat, and by no means so lo^t to all decent sentiments as mos 



Enver Pasha Discusses the Armenians 237 

\irkish politicians of the time. It was generally reported that 

) lalil did not approve the Armenian proceedings, yet his oflficial 

1 Position compelled him to accept them, and even, as I now 

lisccvered, to defend them. Soon after obtaining his Cabinet 

)05t, Halil called upon me and made a somewhat ra.mbHng 

xplanation of the Armenian atrocities. I had already had 

•xperiences with several of^cial attitudes toward the persecu- 

ions ; Talaat had been bloodthirsty and ferocious, Enver subtly 

:alculating, while the Grand Vizier had been testy. Halil now 

j-egarded the elimination of this race with the utmost good 

lumour. Not a single aspect of the proceeding, not even the 

.jnkindest things I could say concerning it, disturbed his equan- 

mity in 4:he least. He began by admitting that nothing could 

|3aUiate these massacres, but, he added, in order to understand 

them, there were certain facts that I should keep in mind. 

" I agree that the Government has made serious mistakes in 
:he treatment of the Armenians," said Hahl, " but the harm has 
already been done. What can we do about it now ? Still, if 
,:here are any errors we can correct, we should correct them. I 
deplore as much as you the excesses and violations which have 
been committed. I wish to present to you the view of the 
publime Porte. I admit that this is no justification, but I think 
(there are extenuating circumstances that you should take into 
consideration before judgment is passed upon the Ottoman 
jGovernment." 

And then, like all the others, he went back to the happenings 
at Van, the desire of the Armenians for independence, and the 
help which they had given the Russians. I had heard it all many 
rtimes before. 

; , " I told Vartkes " (an Armenian deputy who, Uke many other 

I Armenian leaders, was afterwards murdered) " that, if his people 

.jffeally aspired to an independent existence, they should wait for 

ua propitious moment. Perhaps the Russians might defeat the 

Turkish troops and occupy all the Armenian provinces. Then I 

icould understand that the Armenians might want to set up for 

jjthemselves. Why not wait, I told Vartkes, until such a fortunate 

'time had arrived ? I warned him that we would not let the 

Armenians jump on our backs, and that, if they did engage in 

ostile acts against our troops, we would dispose of all Armenians 



IK 



who were in the rear of our army, and that our method would be 

to send them to a safe distance in the south. Enver, as you 

I know, gave a similar warning to the Armenian Patriarch. But, 

in spite of these friendly warnings, they started a revolution." 

I asked about methods of relief, and told him that already 



238 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

twenty thousand pounds ($100,000) had reached me fron 
America. 

" It is the business of the Ottoman Government," he blandl' 
answered, " to see that these people are settled, housed and fe-. 
until they can support themselves. The Government wil 
naturally do its duty ! Besides, the twenty thousand pound 
that you have is in reality nothing at all." 

" That is true," I ansv,'ered, " it is only a beginning, but I an 
sure that I can get all the money we need." : 

" It is the opinion of Enver Pasha," he replied, " that n( 
foreigners should help the Armenians. I do not say that h\\ 
reasons are right or wrong. I merely give them to you as the;^ 
ate. Enver says that the Armenians are idealists, and that the 
moment foreigners approach and help them they will be en 
couraged in their national aspirations. He is utterly determinec 
to cut for ever all relations between the Armenians and foreigners.'! 

" Is this Enver's way of stopping any further action on thei 
part ? " I asked. 

Halil smiled most good-natm-edly at^this somewhat pointsc 
question, and answered : 

"■' The Armicnians have no further means of action whatever !' 

Since not far from 500,000 Armenians had been killed by thi^ 
time, Halil's genial retort certainly had one virtue which most 0. 
his other statements in this interviev/ had lacked— it was the 
truth. 

" How many Armenians in the southern provinces are in need 
of help ? " I asked. 

" I do not know ; I would not give you even an apprcxim.ate 
figure." 

" Are there several hundred thousand ? " 

" I should think so," Halil admitted, " but I cannot say ho\\ 
many hundred thousand. 

■' A great many suffered," he added, ' simply because Envei 
could not spare troops to defend them. Some regular troops did 
accompany^ them and these behaved very well ; forty even lost 
their lives defending the Armenians. But we had to withdraw 
most of the gendarmes for service in the Army and put in a new 
lot to accompany the Armenians. It is true that these gendarmes 
committed many deplorable excesses." 

" A great many Turks dc not approve these measures," I said. 

" I do not deny it," replied the ever-accommodating Halil, as 
he]bowed himself out. 

''Enver, Halil, and the rest were ever insistent on the point 
which they constantly raised, that no foreigners should furnish 



I 



relief to the Armenians. A few days after this visit the Under- 
Secretary of State called at the American Embassy. He came 
to deliver a message from Djemal to Enver. Djemal, who then 
had jurisdiction over the Christians in Syria, was much annoyed 
it the interest which the American Consiils were displaying in the 
Armenians. He now asked me to order these officials " to step 
busying themselves in Armenian affairs." Djemal could net 
distinguish between the innocent and the guilty, this messenger 
said, and so had to punish them all ! Some time afterward Halil 
complained to me that tlie American Consu)s were sending facts 
about the Armenians to America and that the Government 
insisted that they should be stopped. 

As a matter of fact, I was myself sending most of this in- 
'formation, and 1 did not stop. 



CHAPTER XXVII 

" I SHALL DO NOTHING FOR THE ARMENIANS," SAYS THE GERMAN 

AMBASSADOR 

I SUPPOSE that there is no phase of the Armenian question wliich 
has aroused more interest than this : Had the Germans any part 
in it ? To what extent was the Kaiser responsible for the 
wholesale slaughter of this nation ? Did the Germans favour it, 
did they merely acquiesce, or did they oppose the persecutions ? 
Germany, in the last four years, has become responsible for many 
of the blackest pages in liistory ; is she responsible for this, 
unquestionably the blackest of all ? 

I presume most people will detect in the remarks of these 
Turkish cliieftains certain resemblances to the German philosophy 
of war. Let me repeat certain phrases used by Enver while j 
discussing the Armenian massacres. " The Armenians have > 
brought this fate upon themselves." " I expKcitly warned them 
myself." " We were fighting for our national existence." 
"We were justified in resorting to any means that would 
accomplish these ends." " We have no time to separate the 
innocent from the guilty. "-X' -'^t the present time Turkey has 
only one duty ; that is to win the war. ' 

These phrases somehow have a familiar ring, have they not ? 
Indeed, I might rewrite all these interviews with Enver, use the 
Vv-ord Belgium in place of Armenia, put the words in a German 
general's mouth instead of Enver's, and we should have almost 
a complete exposition of the German attitude toward subject 
peoples. But the teachings of the Prussians go deeper than this. 
There was one feature about the Armenian proceedings that was 
new, that was not Turkish at all. For centuries the Turks have 
ill-treated their Armenians and all their other subject peoples 
with inconceivable barbarity. Yet their methods have always 
been crude, clumsy, and unscientific. They excelled in beating 
out an Armenian's brains with a club, and this unpleasant 
illustration is a perfect indication of the rough and primitive 
methods which they applied to the Armenian problem. They 
have understood the uses of murder, but not of murder as a fine 
art. But the Armenian proceedings of 1915 and 1916 evidenced 



I 



" I shall do nothing for the Armenians ♦♦ 241 

an entirely new mentality. This new conception was that of 
deportation. The Turks, in 500 years, had invented innumer- 
able ways of physicailj' torturing their Christian subjects, 
yet never before had it occurred to their minds to move them 
bodily from their homes, wliere they had lived for many thou- 
sands of years, and send them hundreds of miles away into 
the desert. Where did the Turks get this idea ? I have already 
described how, in 1914, just before the European war, the 
Government moved not far from 100,000 (?) Greeks from their 
age-long homes along the Asiatic Uttoral to certain islands in the 
;9igean. I ha\'e also said that Admiral Usedom, one of the big 
Genuan naval experts in Turkey, told me that the Germans 
had suggested this deportation to the Turks. But the all- 
important point is that this idea of deporting peoples en masse 
is, in modern times, exclusively Germanic. Anyone who reads . 
the Uterature of Pan-Geimany constantly meets it. These 
enthusiasts for a German world have deHberately planned, as 
part of their programme, the ousting of the French from certain 
parts of France, of Belgians from Belgium, of Poles from Poland, 
of Slavs from Russia, and other indigenous peoples from the 
territories which they have inhal.^ited for thousands of years, 
and the establishment in the vacated lands of solid honest 
Germans. But it is hardly necessary to show that the Germans 
have advocated this as a state pohcy ; they have actually been 
domg it in the last four years. They have moved we do not 
knew how many thousands of Belgians and French from their 
native land. Austria-Hungary has killed a large part of the 
Serbian population and moved thousands of Serbian children 
into her own territories, intending to bring them up as loyal 
subjects of the Empire. To what degree this movement of 
populations has taken place we shall not know until the end of 
the war, but it has certainl^^ gone on extensively. 

Certain German writers have even advocated the application 
of this policy to the Armenians. According to the Paris Temps, 
Paul Rolirbach, " in a conference held at Berlin some time ago, 
recommended that Armenia should be evacuated by the Arme- 
nians. They should be dispersed in the direction of Meso- 
potamia, and their places should be taken by Turks in such a 
fashion that Armenia should be freed of all Russian influence and 
that Mesopotamia might be provided with farmers which it now 
lacked." The purpose of all this was evident enough. Germany 
was building the Bagdad railroad across the Mesopotamian 
desert. This was an essential detail in the achievement of the 
great new German Empire, extending from. Hamburg to the 

K 



24^ Secrets of the Bosphorus 

Persian Gulf. But this railroad could never succeed unless J 
there should develop a thrifty and industrious population to; 
feed it. The lazy lurk would never become such a colonist. 
But the Armenian was made of just the kind of stuff which thJs 
enterprise needed. It was entirely in accordance with German 
conceptions of statesmanship to seize these people in the lands 
where they had hved for ages and transport them violently to 
this dreary, hot desert. Tlie mere fact that they had always 
lived in a temperate climate would furnish no impediment m 
Pan-German eye^. I found that Germany had been sowing 
these ideas broadcast for several years ; I even found that 
German savants had been lecturing on tlis subject in the East. 
" I remember attending a lecture by a well-known German 
professor," an Armenian tells me. " His main point was that 
, throughout their history the Turks had made a great mistake in 
being too merciful toward the non-Turkish population. The 
only way to ensure the proiipcrity of the Empire, according to 
this speaker, v.as to act without any sentimentahty toward all 
the subject nationalities auvd races in Turkey who did not fall in 
with the plans of the Turks." 

The Pan-Germanists are on record in the matter of Armenia. - 
I shall content myself with quoting the words of the author of 
" Mittel-Europa," Friedrich Naumann, perhaps the ablest 
propagator of Pan-Gernian ideas. In his work on " Asia," 
Naumann, who started hfe as a Ciuistian clergyman, deals in 
considerable detail with the Armenian massacres of 1895-96. 
I need only quote a few passages to shov/ the attitude of German 
state pohcy on such intamies. "If we should take into con- 
sideration merely the violent massacre of from^ 80,000 to 100,000 
Armenians," Vv-rites Naumann, "we can come to but one 
opinion — we must absolutely condemn with ail anger and 
vehemence both the assassins and their instigatcrs. They have 
perpetrated the most abominable massacres upon masses of 
people, n^ore numerous and worse than those iniiicted by Charle- 
magne on the Saxons. The tortures which Lepsius has described 
surpc^ss anything we have ever known. What, then, prohibits us 
from falling upon the Turk, and saying to hirn : ' Get thee gone, 
v.'retch ! ' Only one thing proliibits us, for the Turk answers : 
' I, too, I fight lor my existence ! ' — and, indeed, we believe him. 
We beheve, despite the indignation wliich the bloody Moham- 
medan barbarism arouses in us, that the Turks are defending 
themselves legitimately, and, before anytliing else, we see in the 
Armenian question and Arrhenian massacres a matter of internal 
Turkish policy, merely an episode of the agony through wliich a 



" 1 snail ao noming lor me Armenians 243 

^'reat empire is passing which does not propose lo let itself die 

j without making a last attempt to save itself by bloodshed. All 

I the great Powers, excepting Germany, have adopted a policy 

wiiich aims to upset the actual state of aflairs in Turkey. In 

ccordance with this, they demand for the subject peoples of 

i urkey the rights of man, or ot humanity, or of civilisation, or of 

Lpohtical liberty — in a word, sometliing that will niakt: thera the 

(.equals of the lurks. But just as little as the ancieat Roman 

despotic state could tolerate the Nazarene's religion, just as httle 

can the Turkish Empire, which is really the political successor of 

the Eastern Roman Empire, tolerate any representation of Western 

free Christianity among its subjects. The danger for Turkey in 

the Armenian question is one of extinction. Per tliis reason she 

resorts to an act of a barbarous Asiatic state ; she has destroyed 

the Armenians to such an extent that they will not be able to 

'manifest themselves as a pohtical force for a considerable period. 

A hoirible act, certainly, an act of political despair, shameful in 

its details, but still a piece of pohtical history, in the Asiatic 

manner. ... In spite of the displeasure wluch the German 

Christian feels at these accomplished facts, he has nothing to do 

.except quietly to heal, the wounds so far as he can, and then to 

let matters tai;e their course. Tor a long time our policy in the 

Orient has been determined : we belong to the group that 

protects Turkey, that is the fact by v/hich we must regulate our 

conduct. , . . We do not prohibit any zealous Christian from 

caring for the .victims of these horrible crimes, from bringing up 

the children and nursing the adults. May God bless these good 

acts like all other acts of faith. Only we must take care that 

acts of charity do not take the foim of pohtical acts which are 

Ukely to thwart our German policy. The internationalist, he 

who belongs to the English school of thought, may march with 

the Armenians, ihe nationalist, he who does not intend to 

sacrihce the future of Germany to England, must, on c^uestions 

of external pohcy, follow tiie path marked out by Bismarck, 

even if it is merciless in "its sentiments. . . . National policy : 

j that is the profound moral reason why we must, as statesmen, 

[Show ourselves indifferent to the sufferings of the Christian 

peoples of Turkey, h^v.ever painful that may be to our human 

leehngs. . . . That is our duty, which we must recognise and 

confess before God and before man. If for this reason we now 

I- maintain the existence of the Tuikish state, we do it in our own 

: self-interest, because what we have in mind is our great future. 

. . . On one side lie our duties as a nation, on tlie other our 

duties as men. There are times when, in a conflict of duties, \\\- 



244 Secrets of the Bosphorus ! 

can choose a middle ground. That is all right from a human! 
standpoint, but rarely right in a moral sense. In this instance, 
as in all analogous situations, we must clearly know on which 
side lies the greatest and most important moral duty. Once 
we have made such a choice we must not hesitate. William II. 
has chosen. Ke has become the friend of the Sultan, because he 
is thinking of a greater, independent Germany." 

Such was the German state pliilosophy as appUed to the 
Armenians, and I had the opportunity of observing German 
practice as well. As soon as the early reports reached Con- 
stantinople it occurred to me that the most feasible way of 
stopping the outrages would be for the diplomatic representatives 
of all countries to make a joint appeal to the Ottoman Govern- 
ment. I approached Wangenheim on tliis subject in the latter 
part of March. His antipathy to the Armenians became im- 
mediately apparent. He began denouncing them in unmeasured 
terms ; like Talaat and Eilver, he affected to regard the Van 
episode as an unprovoked rebellion, and, in his eyes, as in theirs, 
the Armenians were simply traitorous vermin. 

" I will help the Zionists, " he said, thinking that this remark 
would be personally pleasing to me, " but I shall do nothing 
whatever for the Armenians." 

Wangenheim affected to regard the Armenian question as a 
matter that cliiefly affected the United States. My constant 
intercession on their behalf apparently crcdted the impression; 
in his Germanic mind, that any mercy shown this people would 
be a concession to the American Government. And at that 
moment he was not disposed to do anything that would please 
the American people. 

" The United States is apparently the only country that takes 
much interest in the Armenians," he said. " Your missionarie? 
are their friends and your people have constituted themselves 
their guardians. The v.'hole question of helping them is therefore 
an American matter. How then, can you expect me to do 
anything as long as the United States is seUing ammunition to 
the enemies of Germany ? Mr. Bryan has just published his 
Note, sajdng that it would be unneutral not to sell munitions to 
England and France. As long as your Government maintains 
that attitude we can do nothing for the Armenians." 

Probably no one except a German logician would ever have 
detected any relation between our sale of war materials to the 
Alhes and Turkey's attacks upon hundreds of thousands of 
Armenian women and children. But that was about as much 
progress as I made with Wangenheim at that time. I spoke to 



«♦ I shall do nothing for the Armenians " 245 

him frequently, but he invariably offset my pleas for mercy to 
the AiTnenians by references to the use of American shells at the 
Dardanelles. A coolness sprang up between us soon afterward, 
the result of my refusal to give him " credit " for having stopped ^ 
the deportation of French and Genjian civilians to the Gallipoli """^ 
Peninsula. After our somewhat tart conversation over the 
telephone, when he had asked me to telegraph Washington that 
he had not " hetzed " the Turks in this matter, our visits to each 
other ceased for several weeks. 

There were certain influential Germans in Constantinople who 
did not accept Wangenheim's point of view. I have already 
referred to Paul Weitz, for thirty years the correspondent of the 
Frankfurter Zeitung, who probably knew more about affairs in 
the Near East than any other German. Although Wangenheim 
constantly looked to Weitz for information, he did not always 
take his advice. Weitz did not accept the orthodox imperial 
attitude towards Armenia, for he beheved that Germany's refusal 
effectively to intervene was doing his Fatherland everlasting 
injury. Weitz was constantly presenting this view to Wangen- 
heim, but he made little progress. Weitz told me about this 
himself, in January, 1916, a few weeks before I left Turkey. I 
quote his own words on this subject : 

" I remember that you told me at the beginning," said 
Weitz, " what a mistake Germany was making in the Armenian 
matters. I agreed with you perfectly, but when I urged this 
view upon Wangenheim he twice threw me out of the room ! " 

Another German who was opposed to the atrocities was 
Neurath, the Conseiller of the German Embassy. His indigna- 
tion reached such a point that his language to Talaat and Enver 
became almost undiplomatic. He told me, however, that ho 
: had failed to influence them. 

" They are immovable and are determined to pursue their 
present course," Neurath said. 

Of course, no Germans could make much impression on the 
Turkish Government as long as the German Ambassador refused 
to interfere, and, as time went on, it became more and more 
evident that Wangenheim had.no desire to stop the deportations. 
He apparently wished, however, to re-establish friendly r lations 
with me, and soon sent third parties to ask Why I never came to 
see him. It is doubtful whether we would have met again had 
not a great personal affliction befallen him. In June Lieut. -Col. 
Leipzig, the German Military Attache, died under the most 
tragic and mysterious circumstances in the railroad station at 
Lule Bourgas. He was killed by a revolver-shot. One story said 



.K I 



246 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

that the weapon had been accidentally discharged, another that 
the Colonel had committed suicide ; still another that the Turk^ 
had assassinated him, mistaking him for Liman von Sanders. 
Leipzig was one of Wangenheim's intimate friends ; as young 
men they had been officers in the same regiment, and at Con- 
stantinople they were almost inseparable. I immediately called 
on the Ambassador to express my condolences. I found him 
very dejected and careworn. He told me that he had heart 
trouble, that he was almost exhausted, and that he had apphed 
for a few weeks' leave of absence. I knew that it was not only 
his comrade's death that was preying upon Wangenheim's mind. 
German missionaries were flooding Germany with reports about 
the Armenians and calHng upon the German Government to stop 
them. Yet, overburdened and nervous as Wangenheim was this] 
day, he gave many signs that he was still the same unyielding 
German miHtarist. A few days afterward, when he. returned my 
visit, he asked : 

" Where's Kitchener's Army ? 

"We are willing to surrender Belgium now," he went on. 
" Germany intends to build an enormous fleet of submarines 
v.ith great cruising radius. In the next war we shall therefore 
be able completely to blockade England, so we do not need 
Belgium for its submarine bases. We shall give her back to the 
Belgians, taking the Congo in exchange." 

T then made another plea on behalf of the persecuted Chris- 
tians. Again we discussed this subject at length. 
^ " The Armenians," said Wangenheim, " have shov;n them- 
selves in this war to be enemies of the Turks. It is quite apparent 
that the two peoples can never live together in the same country. 
The Americans should move some o^ them to the United States, 
and we Germans will send some to Poland, and in their place send 
Jewish Poles to the Armenian provinces — that is, if they will 
promise to drop their Zionist schemics." 

Again, although I spoke with unusual earnestness, the former 
Ambassador refused to help the Armenians. 

Still, on July 4th, Wangenheim did present a formal note of 
protest. He did not talk to Talaat, or Ehver, the only men who 
had any 'authority, but to the Grand Vizier, who was merely a 
shadow. The incident has precisely the same character as his 
" pro forma " protest against sending the French and British 
civilians down to Gallipoh to serve as targets for the British 
fleet. Its only purpose was to pat Germans officially on record. 
Probably the hypocrisy of this protest was more apparent to me 
than to others,, for, at the verj^ moment v/hen Wangenheirn 



*« I shall do nothing for the Armenians " 247 

presented this so-called protest, he was gi\nng me the reasons why 
Germany could not take really effective steps to end the mas- 
sacres ! Soon after this interview Wangenheim received his 
leave and went to Germany. 

Callous as Wangenheim showed himself to be, he was not 
quite so implacable toward the Armenians as the German Naval 
Attache at Constantinople, Hiimann. This person was generally 
regarded as a man o^ great influence ; his position in Constanti- 
nople corresponded to that of Boy-ed in the United, States. A 
German diplomat once told me that Humann was more of a 
Turk than Enver or Talaat. Despite this reputation, I attempted 
to enlist his influence. T appealed to him particularly because 
he was a friend of Enver, and was generally looked upon as an 
important connecting link between the German Embassy and 
the Turkish military authorities. Humann was a personal 
emissary' of the Kaiser, in constant communication with Berlin, 
and undoubtedly he reflected the attitude of the ruling powers 
in Germany. He discussed the Armenian problem with the 
utmost frankness and brutality. 

" T have lived in Turkey the larger part of my life," he told 
me, " and I know the Armenians. I also know that both 
Armenians and Turks cannot live together in this country. One 
of these races has got to go, and I don't blame the Turks for 
what they are doing to the Armenians. T think that they are 
entirely justif:ed. The weaker nation must succumb. The 
Armenians desire to dismember Turkey ; they are against the 
Turks and the Germans in this war, and they therefore have no 
right to exist here ^ I also think that Wangenheim \venf 
altogether too far in making a protest ; at least, I would not 
have done this." 

I expressed my horror at such sentiments, but Humann went 
on abusing the Armenian people and absolving the Turks from 
all blame. 

"It js ^a mat ter of safety." he replied ; " the Turks have got 
to protect themselves, and, from this point of view, they are 
entirely justified in what they are doing. Why, we found 7,000 
guns at Kadikeuy which belonged to the Armenians. At first 
Enver wanted to treat the Armenians with the utmost moderation, 
and four months ago he insisted that they be given anothet 
opportunity to demonstrate their loyalty. But after what they 
did at Van he had to yield to the Army, who had been insisting 
all along that they should protect their rear. The Committee 
decided upon the deportations and Enver reluctantly agreed. 
All Armenians are working for the destruction of Turkey's power. 



248 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

and the only thing to do is to deport them. Enver is really a 
very kind-hearted man ; he is incapable personally of hurting a 
fly, but when it comes to defending an idea in which he 
believes, he will do it fearlessly and recklessly. Moreover, the 
Young Turks have to get rid of the Armenians merely as a 
matter of ^elf-pr^ ter. tiQn . The Committee is strong only in 
Constantinople and a few other large cities. Everywhere else 
the people are strongly ' Old Turk,' and these Old Turks are 
all fanatics. The Old Turks are not in favour of the present 
Government, and so the Committee has to do everything in its 
power to protect itself.' But don't think that any harm 
will come to other Christians. Any Turk can easily pick out 
three Armenians among a thousand Turks " ! 

Humann was not the only important German who expressed 
this latter sentiment. Intimations began to reach me from many 
sources that my " meddling " on behalf of the Armenians was 
making me more and more unpopular in German officialdom. 
One day in October, Neurath, the German Conseiller, called and 
showed me a telegram which he had just received from the 
German Foreign Office. This contained the information that 
Lord Crewe and Lord Cromer had spoken on the Armenians in the 
House of Lords, had laid the responsibility for the massacres 
upon the Germans, and had declared that they had received their 
information from an American witness. The telegram also 
referred to an article in the Westminster Gazette, which said that 
the German Consuls at certain places had instigated and even led 
the attacks, and particularly mentioned Resler of Aleppo. 
Neurath said that' his Government had directed him to obtain a 
denial of these charges from the American Ambassador at 
Constantinople. I refused to do this, saying that I did not feel 
called upon to decide officially whether Turkey or Germany was 
responsible for these crimes. 

Yet everywhere in diplomatic circles there seemed to be a 
conviction that the American Ambassador was responsible for 
the wide publicity which the Armenian massacres were receiving 
in Europe and the United States. I have no hesitation in saying 
that they were right about this. In December my son, Henry 
Morgenthau, Jr., paid a visit to the Gallipolt Peninsula, where 
he was entertained by General Liman von Sanders and other 
German officers. He had hardly stepped into German head- 
quarters when a General came up to him and said : 

" Those are very interesting articles on the Armenian question 
which your father is writing in the American newspapers." 

" My father has been writing no articles," my son replied. 



" I shall do nothing for the Armenians " 249 

" Oh," said this officer, " just because his name isn't signed 
to them doesn't mean that he is not writing them." 
Von Sanders also spoke on this subject. ^ 

" Your father is making a great mistake," he said, " giving 
out the facts about what the Turks are doing to the Armenians. 
That really is not his business." 

As hints of this kind made no impression on me, the Germans 
evidently decided to resort to threats. In the early autumn a 
Dr. Nossig arrived in Constantinople from BerHn. Dr. Nossig 
was a German Jew, and came to Turkey evidently to work 
against the Zionists. After he had talked with me for a few 
minutes describing his Jewish activities, I soon discovered that 
he was a German political agent. He came to see me twice ; 
the first time his talk was somewhat rambling, the purpose of the 
call apparently being to make my acquaintance and insinuate 
himself into my good graces. The second time, after discoursing 
vaguely on several topics, he came directly to the point. He 
drew Ms chair closely up to me and began to talk in the most 
friendly and confidential manner. 

" Mr. Ambassador," he said, " we are both Jews, and I want 
to speak to you as one Jew to another. I hope you will not be 
i offended if I presume upon this to give you a little advice. You 
are very active in the interests of the Armenians, and I do not 
think you realise how very unpopular you are becoming for this 
reason with the authorities here. In fact, I think that I ought to 
tell you that the Turkish Government is contemplating asking 
I for your recall. Your protests will be useless. The Germans 
will not interfere on behalf of the Armenians, and you are just 
spoihng your opportunities of usefulness and running the risk 
that your career will end ignominiously. " 

" Are you giving me this advice," I asked, " because you have 
a real interest in my personal welfare ? " 

" Certainly," he answered, " all of us Jews are proud of what 
you have done and would hate to see it end disastrously." 

" Then you go back to the German Embassy," I said, " and 
tell Wangenheim that I said, to go ahead and have me recalled. • 
If I am to suffer martyrdom, I can think of no better cause in 
which to be sacrificed. In fact, I would welcome it, for I can 
I think Qi no greater honour than to be recalled because I, a Jew, 
had been exerting all my powers to save the lives of hundreds 
of thousands of Christians." 

Dr. Nossig hurriedly left my office and I have never seen him 
since. When I next met Envcr I told him that there were 
rumours that the Ottoman Government was about to ask for my 



250 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

recall. He was very emphatic in denouncing the whole story 
as a falsehood. " We would not be guilty of making such a 
ridiculous mistake," he said. So there was not the slightest' 
doubt^ that this attempt to intimidate me had been hatched at 
the German Embassy. i: 

Wangenheim returned to Constantinople in' early Octoberi 
I was shocked at the change that had taken place in the man. 
As I wrote in my diary, " he looked the perfect picture of Wotan." 
His face was almost co;istantly twitching, he wore a black cover 
over his right eve, and he seemed unusually nervous and de- 
pressed. He told me that he had obtained little rest, but had 
been obliged to spend most of his time in Berlin attending to 
business. A few days after his return I met him on my way to 
Haskeuy ; he said that he was going to the American Embassy,; 
and together we walked there. I had been recently told by 
Talaat that he intended to deport all the Armenians who were 
left in Turkey, and this statement had induced me to make a! 
final plea to the one man in Constantinople who had the power to 
end the horrors. I took Wangenheim up to the second floor of 
the Embassy, where we could be entireV alone and unin'"errup':ed, 
and there, for more than an hour, sitting together over the tea- 
table, we had our last conversation on this subject. 

" Berlin telegraphs me," he said, " that your Secretary of 
State tells them that you say that more Armenians than ever 
have been massacred since Bulgaria has come in on our side." 

" No, I did not say tha^" I replied. " I admit that I have 
sent a large amount of information to Washington. T have sent 
copies of every report and every statement to the State Depart- 
ment. They are safety lodged there, and, whatever happen? to 
me, the evidence is complete and the American people are not 
dependent on my oral report for their inforination. But this 
particular statement you make 's not quit'^ accurate. I merely 
informed M^. Lansing that any influence Bulgaria might exert to 
s+op the massa'^res has been lo^^t now that she has become 
Turkey's ally." 

"We again discussed the deportations. 

■ " Germany is not responsible for this," Wangenheim said. 

" You can assert that to the end o^ time," I replied, " but 
nobody will believe it. The world will always hold Germany 
responsible ; the guilt of these crimes will be your inheritance 
for ever. I know that you have filed a paper protest. But what 
does that amount to ? You know better than I do that such a 
protest will have no effect. I do not claim that Germany is 
responsible for these massacres in the sense that she instigated 



" I shall do nothing for the Armenians '* 251 

them ; but sh^ is responsible in the sense that she had power to 
stop them and did not use it. And it is not only America and 
vour present enemies that will hold you responsible. The 
German people will themselves some dav call you to account. 
You are a Christian people, and the time will come when Germans 
will realise that you have let a Mohammedan people - destroy 
another Christian nation. How foolish is your protest that I am 
sending information to mv State Department ! Do you suppose 
that you can keep things like these atrocities secret ? Don't get 
such a foolish, ostrich-like thought as that — don't think that by 
ignoring them yourselves you can get the re^t of the world to do 
so. Crimes like these cry to heaven. Do you think I could 
know about things like this and not report them to my Govern- 
ment ? And don't forget that German missionaries, as well as 
American, are sending me information about th^ Armenians." 

" All that you sav may be true," replied the German Am- 
bassador, " but the big oroblem that confronts us is to win this 
war. Turkev has settled with her foreign enemies ; she has done 
that at the DardaneFe^^ and at Gallipoli. She is now tr5dng to 
settle her internal affairs. They still greatly fear that the 
capitulations will be forced upon them again. If they should 
again be put under th-'s restraint, they intend to have their 
internal problems in such shape that there will be little chance of 
anv interference from foreign na'^'ons. Talaa*" has told me that 
he is determined to complete this task before peace is declared. 
In the future they don't intend that the Russians shall be in a 
position to say that they have a right to intervene about Arme- 
nian matters because there are a ^arge number of Armenians 
in Russia who are affected by the troubles of their co-rehgionists 
in Turkey. Giers used to be doing this all the time, and the 
Turks do not intend that any Ambassador from Russia, or from 
any other country, shall have such an opportunity in the future. 
The Armenians, anyway, are a very poor lot. You come in 
contact in Constant nople with Armenians of the ' educated 
classes, and you get your imp'-essions about them from these 
men, but all the Armenians are not of that type. Ye^ T admit 
lhat they have been treated terribly. I sent a man to make 
investigations, and he reported that the worst outra'ies have not 
been committed by Turkish officials bu*^ by brigands." 

Wangenheim again suggested that the' Armenians be taken 
to the United States, and once more I gave him the reasons why 
this would be impossible. 

" Never mind nil these con'-.iderations," I said. " Let us 
disregard everything — mihtary necessity, State policy, and all 



252 Secrets of the Bosphorus . ^ 

else — and let us look upon this simply as a human problem. 
Remember that most of the people who are being treated in this 
way are old men, old women, and helpless children. Why can't 
you, as a human being, see that these people are permitted to 
live ? 

" At the present stage of internal affairs in Turkey," Wangen- 
heim replied, " I shall not intervene." 

I saw that it was useless to discuss the matter further. He 
was a man who was devoid of sympathy and human pity, and I 
turned from him in disgust. Wangenheim rose to leave. As he 
did so he gave a gasp, and his legs suddenly shot from under him. 
I jumped and caught him just as he was falling. For a minute 
he seemed utterly dazed ; he looked at me in a bewildered way, | 
then suddenly collected himself and regained his poise. I took 
the Ambassador by the arm, piloted him downstairs and put him 
into his auto. By this time he had apparently recovered from 
his dizzy spell and he reached home safely. Two days afterward, 
while sitting at his dinner-table, he had a stroke of apoplexy ; he 
was carried upstairs to his bed, but never regained consciousness. 
On October 24th I was officially informed that Wangenheim was 
dead. And this, my last recollection of Wangenheim, is that of 
the Ambassador as he sat in my office in the American Embass}', 
absolutely refusing to exert any influence to prevent the massacre 
of a nation. He was the one man who could have stopped 
these crimes, and his Government the one Government, but, as 
Wangenheim told me many times, " our one aim is to win this 
war." 

A few days afterward official Turkey and the diplomatic 
force paid their last tribute to this finished embodiment of the 
Prussian system. Wangenheim was buried in the Park of the 
Summer Embassy at Therapia, by the side of his comrade Col. 
Leipzig. No resting-place could have been more appro- 
priate, for this had been the scene of his diplomatic successes, 
and it was from here that, a httle more than two years before, he 
had directed by wireless the Goeben and the Breslait, safely 
brought them into Constantinople, made it inevitable that 
Turkey should join forces with Germany, and paved the way for 
all the triumphs and all the horrors that had necessarily followed 
that event. 



CHAPTER XXVIII 

ENVEK AGAIN MOVES FOR PEACE — FAREWELL TO THE SULTAN 

AND TO TURKEY 

My failure to prevent the destruction of the Armenians had made 
Turkey for me a place of horror, and I found intolerable my 
further daily association with men who, however gracious and 
accommodating. and good-natured they might have been to the 
American Ambassador, were still reeking with the blood of nearly 
a million human beings. Could I have done anything more, 
either for Americans, enemy ahens, or the persecuted peoples of 
the Empire, I would wilhngly have stayed. The position of 
Americans and Europeans, however, had now become secure, and, 
so far as the subject peoples were concerned, I had reached the 
end of my resources. Moreover, an event was approaching in. 
the United States which, I beheved, would inevitably have the 
greatest influence upon the future of the world and of democracy 
— the presidential campaign. I felt that there was nothing so 
important in international politics as the re-election of President 
Wilson. I could imagine no greater calamity for the United 
States and the world than that the American nation should fail 
to heartily endorse this great statesman. If I could substantially 
assist in Mr. Wilson's re-election, I concluded that I was certainly 
wasting valuable time in this remote part of the world. 

I had another practical reason for returning home, and that 
was to give the President and the State Department, by word of 
mouth, such first-hand information as I possessed on the Euro- 
pean situation. It was especially important to give them the 
latest sidelights on the subject of peace. In the latter part of 
1915 and the early part of 1916 this was the uppermost topic in 
Constantinople. Enver Pasha was constantly asking me to 
intercede with the President to end the war. Several times he 
intimated that Turkey was war-weary and that its salvation 
depended on getting an early peace. I have already described 
the conditions that prevailed a few months after the outbreak of 
the war, but by the end of 1915 they were infinitely worse. 
When Turkey decided on th • deportation and massacre of her 
subject peoples, especially the Armenians and Greeks, she had 
signed her own economic death warrant. These were the people, 



254 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

as I have already said, who controlled her industries and her 
finance and developed her agncultmv, and the material con- 
sequences of this great national crime now began to be every- 
where apparent. The larms were lying uncultivated and 
thousands of peasants were daily dying oi starvation. As the 
Armenians and Greeks were the largest taxpayers, their anmhila- 
tion greatly reduced the State revenues, and the fact that prac- 
tically all Turkish ports were .blockaded had shut oft customs 
collections, fhe mere statement that Turkey was barely taking 
in money enough to pay the interest on her aebt, to say nothing 
of ordinary expenses and war expenses, gives a iair idea of her 
advanced degree of bankruptcy, in these facts Turkey had 
abundant reasons for desiring a speedy peace. Besides this, 
Enver and the uhng party feared a revolution unless the war 
quickly came to an end. As 1 wrote the Stax Department 
about this time, " these men are willing to do almost anything to 
retain their power." 

Still, I did not take Enver 's importunities for peace any too 
seriously. 

" Are you speaking for yourself and your party in this 
matter," 1 asked fiim, '" or do you really speaK for Germany also ? 
1 cannot submit a proposition from you unless the Germans are 
back of you. Have you consulted tnem about tliis ? " 

" No," Enver replied, " but I know how they leel." 

" That is not suhicient," i answered ; " you had better 
communicate with them directly through the German Embassy. 
I would not be wihing to submit a proposition that was not 
endorsed by all the Teutonic Alhes." 

Enver rephed that he did no . think it worth while to discuss '^ 
the matter with the German Ambassador. He said, however, 
that he was just leaving for Orsova, a town on the Bulgarian and 
Rumanian frontier, wliere lie was to have a conference with 
Falkenhayn, at that time the German Chief-of-Stah. Falken- 
hayn, said Enver, was the important man ; he would take up the 
question oi peace with him. 

" Why do you think that it is a good lime to discuss peace 
now ? " 1 asked. 

" Because in two weeks we shall have completely annihilated 
Serbia. We think that wiU put the Ahies in a frame of mind to 
discuss peace. My visit to Ealkenhayn is lo compleie arrange- 
ments fur the invasion of Egypt. In a very few days we expect 
Greece to join us. We are already preparing tons oi provisions 
and iodder to send to Greece. And when we get Greece, of 
course, Rumania will come in. When the Greeks and Rumanians 



Farewell to the Sultan and to Turkey 255 

I'lin us we shall have a million fresh troops. We shall get all 
Liic guns and ammunition we need from Gemiany as soon as 
liie direct railroad is opened. All these things make it an 
excellent time for us to take up the matter of peace." 

I asked the JMinister of War to talk the matier over with 
Falkenhayn in liis proposed interview, and report to me when he 
returned. In some way tliis conversation came to the ears of 
the new German Ambassador, Graf von MettLrnicii, who im- 
mediately called to discuss the subject. He apparently wished 
to impress upon me two tilings : that Germany would never 
surrender Alsace-Lorraine and that she would insist on the 
return of all her colonies. I rephed that it was apparently useless 
to aiscuss peace unless England first won some great mihtary 
victory. 

" That may be so," rephed the Graf, " but you can hardly 
expect that Germany shall kt England win such a victoiy merely 
to put her in a frame of mind to consider peace. But I think 
that you are wrong. It is a mistake to say that Great Britain 
ha.:y not already won great victories, i think that she hcis several 
very substantial ones to iier credit. Juot consider what she has 
doiij. She has estabhshed her unquestioned supremacy of the 
seas and driven off aU German conmierce. She has not only not 
lost a foot of her own territory, but she has gained enormous new 
domains. She has annexed Cyprus and Egypt and has conquered 
all the German colonies. She is in possession of a considerable 
part of Mesopotamia. How absura to say that England has 
gained nothing by the war ! " 

On December ist Enver came to the American Embassy and 
reported the results of his interview with Falkenhayn. The 
German Chief -of -Stafi had said that Germany would very much 
hke to discuss peace, but tiiat Gemiany could not state her terms 
in advance, as such an action would oe generally interj^reted a.3 a 
sign of weakness. But one thing could be depended on : the 
Allies could obtain fa/ more favourable tenuj at that moment 
than at any future time. Enver tola nic that the German.^ 
would bj Willing to surrender all the tv.rntury they had taken 
from the Frencli and practically all of Belgium. But the one 
thing on which they iiad definitely settled was the permanent 
dismemberment of berbia. Not an acre of Macedoma would be 
returned to Serbia, and even parts of old Serbia wotfid be re- 
tained ; that is, Serbia would become a much smaUer country 
than she had been before the Balkan Wars and, in fact, she would 
practicafiy disappeai as an independent btate. Tue nnjaning of 
ah tlus was uppareni, even then. Germany had won Ihc object 



256 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

for which she had really gone to war : a complete route from 
BerUn to Constantinople and the East. Part, and a good part, of 
the Pan-German " Mittel Europa " had thus become an accom- 
pHshed mihtary fact. Apparently Germany was wilUng to give 
up the overrun provinces of Northern France and Belgium, 
provided that the Entente would consent to her retention of 
these conquests. The proposal which Falkenhayn made then 
did not materially differ from that which he put forward in the 
latter part of I9i8(?). This Enver- Falkenhayn interview, as 
reported to me, shows that it is no suddenly conceived German 
plan, but that it has been Germany's scheme from the first. 

In all this I saw no particular promise of an early peace . Yet 
I thought that I should lay these facts before the President, 
therefore appHed to Washington for a leave of absence, which 
was granted. 

I had my farewell interview with Enver and Talaat on 
January 13th. Both men were in their most delightful mood 
Evidently both were turning over in their minds, as was I, all 
the momentous events that had taketi place in Turkey and in 
the world since my first meeting with them two years before 
Then Talaat and Enver were merely desperate adventurers who 
had reached high position by assassination and intrigue. Their 
position was insecure, for at any moment another revolution 
might plunge them into the obscurity from which they had 
sprung. But now they were the unquestioned despots of the 
Ottoman Empire, the alUes of the then strongest military power 
in the world, and the conquerors — at least, they so regarded) 
themselves — of the British Navy. At this moment of their great 
triumph — the AUied expedition to the Dardanelles had evacuated 
their positions only two weeks before — both Talaat and Enver 
regarded their country again as a world power. 

" I hear you are going home to spend a lot of money and 
re-elect your President," said Talaat — this being a jocular^ 
reference to the fact that I was the Chairman of the Finance ' 
Committee of the Democratic National Committee. " That's 
very fooHsh ; why don't you stay here and give it to Turkey ? 
We need it more than your people do. . * 

" But we hope you are coming back soon," he added. " We 
feel almost as though you were one of us. You and we have 
really grown up together ; you came here about the same time 
that we took office and we don't know how we could ever get so I 
well acquainted with another man. We have grown fond of you, .j 
too. We have had our differences, and pretty lively ones at; 
times,but we have always found you fair, and we respect Americans 



Farewell to the Sultan and to Turkey 257 

policy in Turkey as you have represented it. We don't like to 
see you go, even for a few months." 

I expressed my pleasure at these words. 

" It's very nice to hear you talk that way," I answered. 
" Since you flatter me so much, I know that you will be wilHng 
to promise me certain things. Since I have you both here 
together, this is my chance to put you on record. Will you treat 
the people in my charge considerately, just the same as though 
I were here ? " 

" As to the American missionaries and colleges and schools," 
said Talaat, and Enver assented, " we give you an absolute 
promise. They will not be molested in the slightest degree, but 
can go on doing their work just the same as before. Your mind 
can rest easily on that score." 

" How about the British and French ? " I asked. 

" Oh, well," said Talaat, smiling, " we may have to have a 
little fun with them now and then, but don't worry. We'll take 
good care of them." 

And now for the last time I spoke on the subject that had 
rested so heavily on my mind for many months. I feared that 
another appeal would be useless, but I decided to make it. 

" How about the Armenians ? " 

Talaat 's geniality disappeared in an instant. Hisj^face 
hardened, and the fire of the beast lighted up his eyes once more. 

" What's the use of speaking about them ? " he said, waving 
his hand. " We are through with them. That's all over." 

Such was my farewell with Talaat. " That's all over " were 
his last words to me. 

The next day I had my farewell audience with the Sultan. 
He was the same gracious, kindly old gentleman that I had first 
met two years before. He received me informally, in civilian 
European clothes, and asked me to sit down with him. We 
talked for twenty minutes, discussing, among other things, the 
pleasant relations that prevailed between America and Turkey. 
He thanked me for the interest which I had taken in his country 
and hoped that I would soon return. Then he took up the 
question of war and peace. 

" Every monarch naturally desires peace," he said. " None 
of us approve the shedding of blood. But there are times when 
war seems unavoidable. We may wish to settle our disputes 
amicably, but we cannot always do it. This seems to be one of 
them. I told the British Ambassador that we did not wish to 
go to war with his country. I tell you the same tiling now. 
But Turkey had to defend her rights. Russia attacked us, and 

s 



258 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

naturally we had to defend ourselves. Thus the war was not the 
result of any planning on our part, it was an act of Allah — it was 
fate." 

I expressed the hope that it might soon be over. 

" Yes, we wish peace also," replied His Majesty. " But it 
must be a peace that will guarantee the rights of our Empire. I 
am sure that a civiHsed and flourishing country hke America 
wants peace, and she should exert all her efforts to bring about a 
peace that shall be permanent." 

One of the Sultan's statements in this interview left a lasting 
impression. This was his assertion that " Russia attacked us." 
That the simple-minded old gentleman believed this was ap- 
parent ; it was also clear that he knew nothing of the real facts — 
that Turkish warships, under German officers, had plunged 
Turkey into the war by bombarding Russian seaports. Instead 
of telhng him the truth, the Young Turk leaders had foisted upon 
the Sultan this fiction of Russia as the aggressor. The interview 
showed precisely to what extent the ostensible ruler of Turkey 
was acquainted with the crucial facts in the government of his 
own Empire. 

In our interview Talaat and Enver had not said their final 
farewells, teUing me that they would meet me at the station. A 
few minutes before the train started Bedri came up, rather pale- 
faced and excited, and brought me their apologies. 

" They cannot come," he said, " the Crown Prince has just 
committed suicide ! " 

I knew the Crown Prince weU and I had expected to have him 
as a fellow-passenger to Berlin ; he was about to make a trip to 
Gennany, and his special car was attached to this train. I had 
seen much of Youssouf Izzeddin ; he had several times invited 
me to call upon him, and we had spent many hours talking over 
the United States and American institutions, in which subject 
he had always displayed the keenest interest. Many times had 
he told me that he would Hke to introduce certain American 
governmental ideas in Turkey. The morning when we were 
leaving for BerHn the Crown Prince was found lying on the floor 
in his villa, bathed in a pool of blood, with his arteries cut. 
Youssouf was the son of Abdul-Aziz, Sultan from 1861 to 1876, 
who, gruesomely enough, had ended his days by opening his 
arteries forty years before. The circumstances surrounding the 
death of father and son were thus precisely the same. The fact 
that Youssouf was strongly pro-Ally, that he had opposed 
Turkey's participation in the war on Germany's side, and that he 
wai extremely antagonistic to the Committee of Union and 



Farewell to the Sultan and to Turkey 259 

Progress gave rise to many suspicions. I know nothing about 
the stories that now went from mouth to mouth, and merely 
1. cord that the official report on the death was that it was a case 
ot " suicide." 

" On I'a suicide " (they have suicided him !), remarked a witty 
Frenchman, when this verdict was reported. 

This tragic announcement naturally cast a gloom over our 
party as our train pulled out of Constantinople, but the journey 
proved to be full of interest. I was now on the famous Balkan- 
zug, and this was only the second trip which it had made to 
B rlin. My room was No. 13 ; several people came to look at 
jit, telHng me that, on the outward trip, the train had been shot 
at, and a window of my apartment broken ! 

Soon after we started I discovered that Admiral Usedom was 
one of my fellow-passengers. Usedom had had a distinguished 
career in the Navy ; among other things he had been captain of 
the HohenzoUern, "the Kaiser's yacht, and thus was upon friendly 
terms with His Majesty. The last time I had seen Usedom was 
on my visit to the Dardanelles, where he had been Inspector- 
General of the Ottoman defences. As soon as we met again the 
Admiral began to talk about the abortive Allied attack. He 
again made no secret of the fears which he had then entertained 
that this attack would succeed. 

" Several times," he said, " we thought that they were on the 
verge of getting through. All of us down there were very much 
distressed and depressed over the prospect. We owed much to 
the heroism of the Turks and their willingness to sacrifice an 
unlimited number of human Uves. It is all over now — that part 
bf our task is finished." 

The Admiral thought that the British landing-party had been 
badly prepared, though he spoke admiringly of the skill with 
which the Allies had managed their retreat. I also obtained 
further Ught on the German attitude toward the Armenian 
massacres. Usedom made no attempt to justify them ; neither 
'did he blame the Turks. He discussed the whole thing calmly, 
dispassionately, and merely as a military problem, and one would 
never have guessed from his remarks that the Uves of a million 
luman beings had been involved. He simply said that the 
iArmenians were in the way, that they were an obstacle to 
German success, and that it had therefore been necessary to 
remove them, just Uke so much useless lumber. He spoke about 
them as detachedly as one would speak about removing a row of 
louses in order to bombard a city. 

Poor Serbia ! As our train sped through her devastated 



26o Secrets of the Bosphorus 

valleys I had a picture of what the war had meant to this brave 
little country. In the last two years this nation had stood alone, 
practically unassisted by her allies, attempting to stem the rush 
of Pan-German conquest, just as, for three centuries, she had| 
stood as a bulwark against the onslaughts of the Turks. And ' 
she had paid the penalty. Practically every farm we passed was 
abandoned, overgrown with weeds and full of debris, and the build- 
ings were usually roofless and sometimes razed to the ground. When- 
ever we crossed a stream we saw the remains of a dynamited 
bridge ; in all cases the Germans had built new ones to replace 
those which had been destroyed. We saw many women and 
children, looking ragged and half -starved, but, significantly, we saw 
very few men, for all had either been killed or they were in the 
ranks of Serbia's still existing and vahant little army. All this 
time trainloads of German soldiers were passing us or standing on 
the switches at the stations where we slowed up, a sufficient 
explanation for all the misery and devastation we saw on our 
way. 






CHAPTER XXIX 

vox JAGOW, ZIMMERMAN, AND GERMAN-AMERICANS 

Our train drew into the Berlin station on the morning of Feb- 
ruary 3rd, 1916. The date is worth mentioning, for that marked 
an important crisis in German-American relations. Almost the 
first man I met was my old friend and colleague. Ambassador 
James W. Gerard. Mr. Gerard told me that he was packing up, 
and expected to leave- BerHn at any moment, for he believed that 
a break between Germany and the United States was a matter 
only of days, perhaps of hours. At that time Germany and the 
United States were discussing the settlement of the Liisitania 
outrage. The negotiations had reached a point where the 
Imperial Government had expressed a wilHngness to express her 
regrets, pay an indemnity, and promise not to do it again. But 
the President and Mr. Lansing insisted that Germany should 
declare that the sinking of the Liisitania had been an illegal act. 
This meant that Germany at no time in the future could resume 
submarine warfare without stultifying herself and doing some- 
thing which her own Government had denounced as contrary to 
international law. But our Government would accept nothing 
less, and the two nations were therefore at loggerheads. 

" I can do nothing more," said Mr. Gerard. " I want to have 
you talk to Zimmerman and von Jagow, and perhaps you can 
give them a new point of view." 

I soon discovered from my many callers that the atmosphere 
in Berlin was tense and exceedingly anti-American. Our 
country was regarded everywhere as practically an ally of the 
Entente, and I found that the most absurd ideas prevailed 
concerning the closeness of our relations with England. Thus it 
was generally believed that Sir Cecil Spring-Rice, the British 
Ambassador in Washington, met regularly with President 
Wilson's Cabinet and was consulted on all our national policies. 

At three o'clock Mr. Gerard took me to the Foreign Office and 
we spent an hour there with von Jagow. von Jagow was a 
small, slight man of nervous disposition. He lighted cigarette 
after cigarette during our interview. He was apparently greatly 
worried over the American situation. Let us not suppose that 



262 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

the German Government regarded lightly a break with the 
United States. At that time their newspapers were ridiculing 
and insulting us and making fun of the idea that Uncle Sam 
would go to war. The contrast between these journalistic 
vapourings and the anxiety, even the fear, which this high 
German official displayed much impressed me. The prospect of 
having our men and our resources thrown on the side of the 
Entente he did not regard indifferently, whatever the Berlin 
Press might say. 

" It seems to us a shame that Mr. Lansing should insist that 
we declare the Lusitania sinking illegal," von Jagow began. 
" He is acting like a technical lawyer." " 

" If you want the real truth," I replied, " I do not think that 
the United States is particular or technical about the precise 
terms that you use. But you must give definite assurances that 
you are sorry for the act, say that you regard it as an improper 
one, and that it will not occur again. Unless you do this, the 
United States will not be satisfied." 

" We cannot do that," he answered. " Public opinion in 
Germany would not permit it. If we should make a declaration , 
such as you outline the present Cabinet would fall." \ 

" But I thought that you had public opinion here well under 
control," I answered. " It may take a little time, but c?rtainly 
you can change public sentiment so that it would approve such 
a settlement." 

" As far as the newspapers are concerned," said von Jagow, | 
" that is true. We can absolutely control them. However, that 
will take some time. The newspapers cannot reverse themselves 
immediately ; they will have to do it gradually, taking two or j 
three weeks. We can manage them. But there are members of 
ParKament whom we can't control, and they would make so 
much trouble that we would all have to resign." 

" Yet it seems to me," I rejoined, " that you could get these 
members together, explain to them the necessity of keeping the 
United States out of the war, and that they would be convinced. 
The trouble is that you Germans don't understand conditions in 
my country. You don't think that the United States will fight. 
You don't understand President Wilson ; you think that he is an 
idealist and a peace man, and that under no circumstances will 
he take up arms. You are making the greatest and most costly 
mistake that any nation could make. The President has two 
sides to his nature. Do not forget that he has Scotch Irish blood 
in him. Up to the present you have seen only the Scotch side of 
him. That makes him very cautious, makes him weigh every 



( 



Von Jagow, Zimmerman, and German- Americans 263 

move, makes him patient and long-suffering. But he has also 
all the fire and combativeness of the Irish. Let him once set his 
jaws and it takes a crowbar to open them again. If he once 
decides to fight, he will fight with all his soul, and to the bitter 
end. You can go just so far with your provocations bui: no 
farther. You are also greatly deceived because certain important 
members of Congress, perhaps even a member of the Cabinet, 
have been for peace. But there is one man who is going to settle 
this matter — that is the President. He will settle it as he thinks 
right and just, irrespective of what other people may say or do." 

Von Jagow said that I had given him a new impression of the 
President. But he still had one more reason to believe that the 
United States would not go to war. 

" How about the German-Americans ? " he asked. 

" I can tell you all about them," I answered, " because I am 
one of them myself. I was born in Germany and spent the first 
nine years of my life here. I have always loved many things 
German, such as its music and its literature. But my parents 
left this country because they were dissatisfied and unhappy here. 
The United States gave us a friendly reception and a home, and 
made us prosperous and happy. There are many millions just 
like us ; there is no business opportunity and ho social position 
that is not open to us. I do not believe that there is a more 
contented people in the world than the so-called German- 
Americans. We have one loyalty and one love, and that is for 
the United States. Take my children — they are German- 
Americans of the second generation. Their sympathies all 
through this war have been with England and her Allies. My son 
is here with me ; he tells me that if the United States goes to war 
he will enlist immediately. Do you suppose in case we should go 
to war with Germany that they would side with you ? The 
idea is simply laughable. And the overwhelming mass of 
German- Americans feel precisely the same way." 

" But I am told," said von Jagow, " that there will be an 
insurrection of German-Americans if your country makes war 
on us." 

" Dismiss any such idea from your mind," I replied. " The 
first one who attempts it will be punished so promptly and so 
drastically that such a movement will not go far. And I think 
that the loyal German-Americans themselves will be the first to 
administer such punishment." 

" We wish to avoid a rupture with the United States," said 
von Jagow, " but we must have time to change public senti- 
ment here. There are two parties here, holding diametrically 



264 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

opposed views on submarine warfare. One believes in pushing it 
to the limit, irrespective of consequences to the United States or 
any other Power. The present Cabinet takes the contrary view ; 
we wish to meet the contentions of your President, but the I 
militaristic faction is pushing us hard. They will force us out of 
office if we declare the Lusitania sinking illegal or improper. I 
think that President Wilson should understand this. We are 
working with him, but we must go cautiously. I should suppose 
that Mr. Wilson, since he wishes to avoid a break, would prefer 
to have us in power. Why should he take a stand that will drive 
us out of office and put in here people who will make war inevit- - 
able between Germany and the United States ? " % 

" Do you wish Washington to understand," I asked, " that 
your tenure of office depends on your not making this declara- 
tion ? " 

" We certainly do," replied von Jagow. " I wish that you 
would telegraph Washington to that effect. Tell the President 
that, if we are displaced now, we shall be succeeded by people 
who advocate unlimited submarine warfare." 

He expressed himself as amazed at my description of President 
Wilson and his willingness to fight. " We regard him," said von 
Jagow, " as absolutely a man of peace. Nor do we believe that 
the American people will fight. They are far from the scene of 
action, and what, after all, have they to fight for ? Your 
material interests are not affected." 

" But there is one thing that we will fight for," I replied, " and 
that is moral principle. It is quite apparent that you do not 
understand the American spirit. You do not realise that we are 
holding off, not because we have no desire to fight, but because J 
we wish to be absolutely fair. We first wish to have all the * 
evidence in. I admit that we are reluctant to mix in foreign 
disputes, but we shall insist upon our right to use the ocean as we 
see fit, and we don't propose to have Germany tell us how many 
ships we can sail and where they are to go. The American is still, 
perhaps, a great powerful y^Duth, but, once he gets his mind made 
up that he is going to defend his rights, he will do so irrespective 
of consequences. You seem to think that Americans will not 
fight for a principle ; you apparently have forgotten that all our 
wars have been over matters of principle. Take the greatest of 
them all — the Civil War, from 1861 to '65. We in the North 
fought to emancipate the slaves ; that was purely a matter of 
principle, our material interests were not involved. And we 
fought that to the end, although we had to fight our own 
brothers." 



Von Jagow, Zimmerman, and German -Americans 265 

" We don't want to be on bad terms with the United States," 
von Jagow replied. " There are tliree nations on whom the 
peace of the world depends — England, the United States, and 
Gennany. We three should get together, establish peace and 
maintain it. I thank you for your explanation ; I understand 
the situation much better now. But I still don't see why your 
Government is so hard on Germany and so easy with England." 

I made the usual explanation that we regarded our problem 
with each nation as a distinct matter, and could not make our 
treatment of Germany in any way conditional on our treatment 
of England. 

" Oh yes," replied von Jagow rather plaintively. " It 
reminds me of two boys playing in a yard. One is to be punished 
first and the other is waiting for his turn. Wilson is going to 
spank the German boy first and, after he gets through, then he 
proposes to take up England. 

" However," he concluded, " I wish you would cable the 
President that you have gone over the matter with me and now 
understand the German point of view. Won't you please ask 
him to do nothing until you have reached the other side and 
explained the whole thing personally ? " 

I made this promise and cabled immediately. 

At three o'clock I had an engagement to take tea with a 
director of the Orient Bank and his wife. I had been there only 
a few minutes when Zimmerman was announced. He was a 
different kind of man from von Jagow. He impressed me as being 
much stronger, mentally and physically. He was tall, even 
stately in his bearing, masterful in his manner, direct and 
searching in his questions, but extremely pleasing and insinuating. 

Zimmerman, discussing the German- Am.erican situation, began 
with a statement which I presume he thought would be gratifying 
to me. He told me how splendidly the Jews had behaved in 
Germany during the war and how deeply under obhgations the 
Germans felt to them. 

" After the war," he said, " they are going to be much better 
reated in Germany than they have been." 

Zimmerman told me that von Jagow had told him about our 
talk, and asked me to repeat part of it. He was particularly 
interested, he said, in my statements about the German- 
Americans, and he wished to learn from me himself the facts 
upon which I based my conclusions. Like most Germans, he 
regarded the Germanic elements in our population as almost a 
part of Germany. 

" Are you sure that the mass of German- Americans would be 



266 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

loyal to the United States in case of war ? " he asked. " Aren't 
their feelings for the Fatherland really dominant ? " 

" You evidently regard those German- Americans as a distinct- 
part of the population," I replied, " living apart from the rest of 
the people and having very little to do with American life as a 
whole. You could not make a greater mistake. You can pur- 
chase a few here and there who will make a big noise and shout 
for Germany, but I am talking about the milHons of Americans of 
German ancestry. These people regard themselves as Americans 
and nothing else. The second generation particularly resent 
being looked upon as Germans. It is practically impossible to 
make them talk German ; they refuse to speak anything but 
Enghsh. They do not read German newspapers and will not go 
to Gernian schools. They even resent going to Lutheran churches 
where the language is German. We have more than a milHon 
German-Americans in New York City, but it has been a great 
struggle to keep aHve one German theatre ; the reason is that 
these people prefer the theatres where English is the language. 
We have a few German clubs, but their membership is very small. 
The German-Americans prefer to belong to the clubs of general 
membership, and there is not a single one in New York, even the 
finest, where they are not received upon their merits. In the j 
pohtical and social Hfe of New York there are few German- 
Americans who, as such, have acquired any prominent position, 4 
though there are plenty of men of distinguished position who are ' 
German in origin. If the United States and Germany go to war, 
you will not only be surprised at the loyalty of our German 
people, but the whole world will be. Another point : if the 
United States goes in, we shall fight to the end, and it will be a 
very long and a very determined struggle." 

After three years I have no reason to be ashamed of either of 
these prophecies. I sometimes wonder what Zimmerman now 
thinks of my statements. 

After the explanation, Zimmerman began to talk about 
Turkey. He was very interested in finding out whether the 
Turks were lik.-ly to make a separate peace. I bluntly told him 
that the Turks felt themselves to be under no obligations to the 
Germans. This gave me another opportunity. 

" I have learned a good deal about German methods in 
Turkey," I said. " I think it would be a great mistake to 
attempt similar tactics in the United States. I speak of this 
because there has been a good deal of sabotage there already. 
This in itself is sohdifying the German-Americans against you, 
and is, more than anything else, driving the United States into the 
arms of England." 



Von Jagow, Zimmerman, and German-Americans 267 

" But the German Government is not responsible," said 
Zimmerman. " We know nothing about it." 

Naturally I could not accept that statement on its face value 
— recent developments have shown how mendacious it was — but 
we passed to other topics. The matter of the submarine came 
up again. 

" We have voluntarily interned our Navy," said Zimmerman. 
" We can do nothing at sea except with our submarines. It 
seems to me that the United States is making a serious mistake 
in so strongly opposing the submarine. You have a long coast- 
line and you may need the U-boat yourself some day. Suppose 
one of the European Powers, and particularly Japan, should 
attack 5'-ou. You could use the submarine to good purpose then. 
Besides, if you insist on this proposed declaration in the Lusitania 
matter, you will simply force our Government into the hands of 
the Tirpitz party." 

Zimmennan now returned again to the situation in Turkey. 
His questions showed that he was much displeased with the new 
German Ambassador, Graf von Mettemich. Metternich, it 
seemed, had not made a success of winning the goodwill of the 
reigning powers in Turkey and had been a trial to the German 
Foreign Ofhce. Metternich had shown a different attitude 
toward the Armenians from Wangenheim, and he had made 
sincere attempts with Talaat and Enver to stop them. Zimmer- 
man now told me that Metternich had made a great mistake in 
doing this and had destroyed his influence at Constantinople. 
Zimmerman made no effort to conceal his displeasu:* over 
Metternich's manifestation of a humanitaiian spirit. I nowsaw 
that Wangenheim had really represented the attitude of official 
Berlin, and I thus had conliiTnation, from the highest German 
authority, of my conviction that Germany had silently acquiesced 
in those deportations. 

In a few days we had taken the steamer at Copenhagen, and 
on February 22nd I found myself once more sailing into New 
York Harbour. 



I 



INDEX 



INDEX 



Abdul-Hamid, 6, 9, 186, 188 
Adrianople, 9, 19, 173, 178 
iEgean Coast, Greek population of, 

30 
iEgean Coast deportations, 31 
Alsace-Lorraine, 59 
American ammunition for Allies, 

103 
American and Turkish relations, 103 
Angora deportations, 205 
Angora, Typhus at, 170 
Archangel, 70 
Armenians, American assistance of, 

227-239 
Armenians, Destruction of, 211 
Armenians, History of, 188 
Armenians massacred, iii, 189, 

198 
Armenian politics, 186, 191 
Armenian soldiers, 186, 198 
Armenian State Church, 189 
Arrogant Turks, 180 
Assassination of Austrian Heir, 37 
[Assassination of Nazim, 9 

Bagdad, 182 

Bagdad Railway, 59, 241 

Balkans smouldering, 35 

Balkanzug, The, 179, 259 

Baltic, The, 70 

Ilastinado, The, 201 

iJedri Bey, 87, 97, 100, 123, 163, 167, 

204 
Berlin, February, 1916, 261 
Bethlehem Steel Co., 103 
Bethmann-Hollweg, 55 
Billings, C. K., 9, 23 



Black Sea, Control of, 51 

" Blacksmith of Bashkale," 202 

Bompard, 17, 82 

Bosnia and Herzegovina, 7, 37, 57, 

177 
Bosphorus, The, 36, 53, 71 
" Boss System " in Turkey, 12 
Bouvet, The, 140, 147 
Breslau.The, 45, 63, 140, 252 
Brest-Litovsk, Treaty of, 117 
British Records, Burning of, 83 
Bronsart, 40, 96, 130 
Brufere, Henry, 23 
Bulgaria, 118, 147, 159, 173 
Bulgaria up for auction, 176 
Bulgaria joins Central Powers, 177 
Burial permits, 184 
Burlesque gun. A, 144 
Bustany Effendi, 23, 78 

Cabinet Council, A Turkish, 160 
Calais, 60 
Caliph, The, 10 
Capitulations, The, 73, 183 
Capitulations, Abrogation of, 74 
Churchill, Winston, 124, 135 
Commander Stoker, 170 
Committee of Union and Progress, 

8, 10, 18, 82, 113, 130, 188, 204, 

231 
Constantinople, Control of, i 
Constantinople, Coup d'Etat, 8 
Constantinople, Decorations to 

order, 146 
Constantinople, Eve of war in, 39 
Constantinople, Exodus from, 131 
Constantinople, Germans in, 66 



272 



Index 



Constantinople, Panic in, 123, 129 
Constantinople, Peace negotiations 

(1915), 116 
Constantinople, Street signs in, 187 
Concentration Camp, A, 158 
Corcovado, The, 40, 45, 48, 58 
Crisis, The German-American, 261 
Cromer Commission, The, 128 
Crown Prince Youssouf, 258 

Dardanelles, The, 3, 47, 51, 60, 67 
Dardanelles, Closing of the, 70 
Dardanelles closed by Germans, 68 
Dardanelles defences inspected, 

133 
Dardanelles, Fortifications of the, 

137. 152 
Dardanelles, First bombardment 

of, 94 

Dardanelles, Further bombard- 
ments of, 121, 124, 130 

Dardanelles, Land attack on, 155, 

158 
Dardanelles, Mines in the, 143 
Dardanelles, Withdrawal from the, 

179 
Dedeagatch Railway, 173, 177 
Deportations of Armenians, 202 
Deportations of Greeks, 31 
Deportations from Angora, 205 
Deportations from Harpoot, 209 
Deportations as a policy, 241 
Der Tag, 139 

Diplomatic conversation, A, 157 
Djavid Bey, 52, 68, 78, 94, 138, 

141, 144 
Djemal Pasha, 7, 9, 33. 64, 81 

Djemal Pasha's personality, 112-3, 
187, 239 

Djevdet Bey, 195, 202 

Dolci, Monsignor, 171 

£15, 170 

Eau-de-Cologne, 136 

England's Declaration of War, 58 



Enver Pasha, 7, 64, 68, 85, 113, 129, 

133. i53> 165, 171. 187 
Enver Pasha at home, 74 
Enver Pasha's German sympathies, 

20 
Enver Pasha's wedding, 25 
Enver Pasha raises an army, 42 
Enver Pasha's personality, 19 
Enver Pasha's visit to Robert 

College, 76 
Enver Pasha and Armenian Mas-' 

sacres, 226 
Enver Pasha's marksmanship, 235 

Failure of " Holy War," no 

Falkenhayn interview, 254 

Farewell to Talaat and Enver, 256 

Farewell to the Sultan, 257 

Fisher, Admiral , 121 

Fitzgerald, Lt., 170 

Foreigners, Deportations of, 160 
Foreigners leave Turkey, 87, 95 
Foreigners, Treatment of, 97, 155 
Fourth of July, 1914. 3^ 
Fourth Turkish Army, 112 
Franco-Russian Alliance, 3 
Fuad Pasha, 133, 136 

Gallipoh, 145, 153 
Garroni, Marquis, 56 
General, The, 67, 81 
Gerard, James W., 261 
German Caste organisation, 3 
German Imperial Conference, 54 
German Incentive to murder, 109 
German Military Mission, 21, 26 
German propaganda, 65, 71, 104 
German responsibility for war, 55 
German scheme to rouse Islam, 

105 
German Wireless Station in Turkey, 



40 



! 



Germans disillusioned, 70 
Germany and Armenian Massacres? 
240 



Index 



273 



Germany and International Law, 

47 
Germany's first Peace Terms, 119 

Germany precipitating the War, 54 

59 
CTerman-Americans, 263, 265 
Giers, M. de, 17, 27, 82 
Gloucester, H.M.S., 44, 48 
Goeben, The, 45, 63, 140, 149. 252 
Goltz, von der, 41, 121, 150 
Grand Vizier, The, 28, 51, 64, 68, 

79, 81, 94, 159, 235 
Greek deportations, 31, 212 
Greek Islands, 30, 49 
Greek purchase of Dreadnoughts, 

35 
Greeks, Treatment of, 32, 213 

Grey, Sir Edward, 165 

" Hadji Wilhelm," 65 

Halil Bey, 236 

Hamidie, Fort, 140, 148 

Hoffman, Philip, 164 

" Holy War," The, 105, iii, 146 

Hostages on Gallipoli, 165 

Humann, 18, 40, 43 

Humann and the Armenians, 247 

Ikdam, The, 104-6 
Isolation of Turkey, 147, 180 

Jagow, von, 261 
January. 1915, 118 
January, 1916, 179 
Jihad, The, 105, no 
Junkers, The, 3, 119 



Kaiser, The, 192 
Kiamil Pasha, 9 
Kilid-ul-Bahr, 146, 148 
Kitchener, Lord, 29 
Koloucheff, 159. 175 



Konia, 170 

Kiihlmann, von, 117, 120 

Kum Kale, 139, 144 

Landing on Gallipoli, The, 155 
Leipzig, Lt.-Col., Death of, 245 
Lepsius, Dr., 226 
Levant Her aid, The, 169 
Levantines, 153 
Lichnowsky, Prince, 117 
Liman von Sanders, 26, 28, 40, 130 
Limpus, Admiral, 26, 66 
London, Treaty of, 30 
Lusitania, The, 261 

Macedonia, 176 

Mallet, Sir Louis. 17,29, 68, 79, 83 

Mark Antony, 112 

Marne. Battle of the, i 59 

Massacre of Armenians, in, 180 

Medilli, The, 48 

M6re Elvira, 98 

Mesopotamia. 182, 202 

Messina, 47 

Memdie, The, 138 

Metternich, Count, 255, 267 

Mexico, 17 

Millets. 184 

Mirzi, Dr., 169 . , 

Mobilisations, 39 

Mohammed V., 7 

Mohammed V.'s personality, 10 

Mosque of Santa Sophia, 130, 183 

Murder of a Nation. The, 198 

Mutius. von, 28, 37, 117 

Nagara Point, 137, 149 
Napoleon, 19 
Naval preparations, 33 
Navy, Turkish, 66 
Nazim Pasha. 9 
New Turkey. 180 
Nossig. Dr.. 249 



274 Index 

Odessa raided by Turks, 8i 

Oppenheim, Baron, 65 

Optical illusion, 141 

Otranto, 48 

Ottoman Empire, 3, 15, 147, 180, 

188 
Ottoman Turks, 182 

Pallavicini, 37, 56, 70, 96, 119, 123, 

159 
Pallavicini's personality, 5-6 

Pan-Germany, 2, 31, 241 

Pan-Turkism, 114, 186 

Peace Campaign, 115, 254 

Pears, Sir Edwin, 167 

Pola, 47 ^ 

Poland, 59 

Policy, Turkish, 76 

President Wilson, 117 

Prince Lichnowsky, 117 

Propaganda, German, 65, 71 

Prussian Military System, 3 

Prussian Teachings, 240 

Queen Elizabeth, The, 139, 145, 149 

Race psychology, 181 

Rayah, 183 

Red Sultan, The, 186, i88' 

Religious hatred, 106 

Reprisals, 170 

Requiem Mass, 37 

Requisitions in Turkey, 41 

Retreat from Mons, 60 

" Revolution " at Van, 193 

Robert College, 38, 73, 76 

Rumania, 118 

Rumania, Neutrality of, 148 

Russia, 4 

Russia, Isolation of, 70, 134 

Russia, Strangling of, 125 



Said Halim, 15, 28, 51, 64, 81, 235 
St. Bartholomew's Eve, 211 



Sanders, Liman von, 26, 28, 40, 

130, 248 
Santa Sophia, 130, 183 
" Saviour of Egypt," 112 
Scrap of Paper, A, 58 
Secret Pamphlet, The, 106 
Sedd-ul-Bahr, 144, 152 
Serajevo, 37, 55, 57 
Serbia, 37. 57, 148, 152. I77. 188, 

260 
Sheik-ul-Islam, The, 106 
Siberian Railway, The, 71 
Sicilian Vespers, The, 211 
Simon, Robert E., 23 
Smyrna, 30 

Souchon, Admiral, 46, 67, 81 
Stock Exchanges, 56 
Stoker, Commander, 170 
Sublime Porte, The, 9. 67. 127, 160 
Submarine war. First warning of, 

61 * 

Submarine war, Unlimited, 264 
Sultan Selim, 48 

Tahsin Pasha, 193 

Talaat Bey, 7, 8, 22, 50, 113, 128, 
150, 167, 187, 203, 217 

Talaat Bey and Armenian Mas- 
sacres, 213 

Talaat Bey at home, 91 

Talaat Bey's first Cabinet, 15 

Talaat Bey as Minister of War, 

Talaat Bey's personality, 12 

Talaat Bey's poUcy, 64-79 

Taylor, Major John, 29 

" Three Thousand Civilians," 

Tocheff, M., no 

Treaty of Bucharest, 56 

Tripoli, 7, 17 

Troy, Plains of, 144 

Turk, The, 181 

Turk as torturer, 201 

Turk, Attitude to Christians, 

Turk, Pride of the, 181 



20 



153 



.83 



Index 



275 



Turkey on the eve of war, 80, 82 
Turkey declares war, 85 
Turkey, Isolation of, 147, 180 
Turkey, Situation of (1915), 122, 

128, 149 
Turkish Army, 21, 28 
Turkish Army review, 29 
Turkish bankruptcy, 254 
Turkish deportations, 159, 224 
Turkish Dreadnoughts, 49 
Turkish Empire, 3, 6, 32 
Turkish Empire, Reforms in, 6 
Turkish Expedition against Egypt, 

114 
Turkish Expedition against Egypt, 

Failure of, 121 
Turkish Expedition in Caucasus, 

114 
Turkish Expedition in Caucasus, 

Failure of, 121 
Turkish fears of Russia, 16 
Turkish finances, 23 
Turkish Government, Preparations 

for flight of, 122 
Turkish mobilisation, 39 
. Turkish Navy, 50, 66 
Turkish neutrality, 63 
Turkish peace overtures {1916), 

253 
Turkish plots against Greece, 33 
Turkish policy, 76 
Turkish Press, 65, 104 
Turkish requisitions, 41 

Ultimatum of July, 1914, 37, 55 
Usedom, Admiral, 259 
Usher, Dr., 197 

Van, 193 , 

Vladivostock, 70 

" Vulnerability of British Fleet," 
135 



Wangenheim, Baron von, 2, 27, 34 
38, 45, 50, 53. 70, 151 

Wangenheim's ambition, 5 

Wangenheira*s confidence in vic- 
tory, 59 

Wangenheim and American am- 
munition, 103 

Wangenheim and Armenian Mas- 
sacre, 245 

Wangenheim, A last appeal to, 251 

Wangenheim "between two fires," 
127 

Wangenheim's peace overtures, 
118 

Wangenheim's personality, 3-4 

Wangenheim's plot against British, 
123 

Wangenheim's principles, 115 

Wangenheim's promise, 96 

Wangenheim's vanity, 55 

Wangenheim, death of, 252 

War-weariness, 253 

Weber Pasha, 69 

Wehrle. Oberst, 138 

Weitz, Paul, 18, 37, 177, 245 

Welt-Pohtik, 117 

Wertheim, Maurice, 44 

White Slave Gang, 10 1 • 

Wigram, Dr., 164 

Wilson, President, 253 

Wireless Station, A, 40 

" World Empire or Downfall," 5 

Young Turks, 6, 11. 17, 75, 128, 

180, 185, 192 
Youssouf, Suicide of, 258 

Zimmerman, 261, 265 

Zion Sisters' School, 97 

Zion Sisters' treasure saved, 100 

Zionists, The, 249 



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PRINCESS OF INTRIGUE Madame de Longueville and Her Times 
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"The Brood of 
False Lorraine 



f» 



The History of the House of Guise 

" Tbsre roJc the Brood of false Lorraine, the evrses of ovr land." 

— Macaulat, "/ory." 

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10 



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My Musical Pilgrimage 1850—1918 

A RECORD OF SERVICE 

in 

Church, Cathedral and Ahbej, 

College, University and Concert 

Room, with a few Notes on Sports 

BY 

SIR FREDERICK BRIDGE 

Commandet of the Royal Victorian Order, Kinff Edward Professor 

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II 



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The Year's Art 1919 

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13 



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IS 



y 



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16 



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Private Peat ^y harold r. peat 

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17 



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A DAY IN^THE MOON .... 

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FRANCOIS VILLON : His Life and Times, 1431-1463 

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l8 



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PETS AND HOW TO KEEP THEM 

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WILD FRUITS OF THE COUNTRYSIDE 

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OUR BRITISH TREES AND HOW TO KNOW THEM 

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»9 



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20 



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RICHARD RAYNAL, SOLITARY ... By Robert Hugh Benson 

A MIRROR OF SHALLOTT ... „ Robert Hugh Benson 

THE KING'S ACHIEYEMENT ... „ Robert Hugh Benson 

THE QUEEN'S TRAGEDY „ Robert Hugh Benson 

BY WHAT AUTHORITY „ Robert Hugh Benson 

THE LIGHT INVISIBLE „ Robert Hugh Benson 

THE SENTIMENTALISTS „ Robert Hugh Benson 

AN AVERAGE MAN „ Robert Hugh Benson 

THE DAWN OF ALL „ Robert Hugh Benson 

A WINNOWING „ Robert Hugh Benson 

THE CONVENTIONALISTS ... „ Robert Hugh Benson 
THE EXPERIMENT OF GANY- 
MEDE BUNN „ Dorothea Conyers 

CONCERT PITCH „ Frank Danby 

HER MAD MONTH „ Mabel Barnes-Gmndy 

LITTLE BLUE PIGEON „ A. G. Hales 

THE BAG OF SAFFRON „ Baroness von Hutten 

KINGSMEAD „ Baroness von Hntten 

THE GREEN PATCH „ Baroness von Hutten 

FLOV/ER OF GRASS „ Kathlyn Rhodes 

SANDS OF GOLD „ Kathlyn Rhodes 

THE STRAIGHT RACE „ Kathlyn Rhodes 

THE V/AX IMAGE „ Kathlyn Rhodes 

THE BRIDGE OF KISSES ... „ Berta Ruck 

THE TRAMPLING OF THE LILIES „ Rafael Sabatini 

THE SHAME OF MOTLEY ... „ Rafael Sabatini 

ST. MARTIN'S SUMMER „ Rafael Sabatini 

THE COMBINED MAZE „ May Sinclair 

IN BLUE WATERS „ H. de Yere Stacpoole 

A KING IN BABYLON „ Burton E. Stevenson 

VIRGINIA OF THE RHODESIANS „ Cynthia Stockley 

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VOLUMES ALREADY PUBLISHED 

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21 



HutduQSOo's 2 ■ Novels already published— continued. 

WEAVE By Dorothea Coayers 

THE STSAYmeS OF SAjNDY „ Dorothea Conyers 

TWO IMPOSTOKS AND TINKER „ Dorothea Conyers 

TWILIGHT !. FrankDanby 

MARGUERITE'S WONDERFUL YEAR . .. „ Mabel Barnes-Grundy 

TWO IN A TENT— AND JANE „ Mabel Barnes-Grundy 

HILARY ON HER OWN „ Mabel Barnes-Grundy 

PATRICIA PLAYS A PART , Mabel Barnes-Grundy 

GAWDYTUFT-I MEAN VERONICA ., Mabel Barnes-Grundy 

THE THIRD MISS WEN DERBY „ Mabel Barnes-Grundy 

AN UNDRESSED HEROINE „ Mabel Barnes-Grundy 

THE VACILLATIONS OF HAZEL „ Mabel Barnes-Grundy 

WE OF THE KEVER-HEVEE „ Mrs. Aeneas Gunn 

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MARIA « Baroness Yon Hutten 

SH ARROW M Baroness Yon Hutten 

MAGPIE »» Baroness Yon Hutten 

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THE DEVIL'S GARDEN „ W. B. MaxweU 

IN COTTON V/OOL „ W. B. Maxwell 

MRS. THOMPSON » W.B.Maxwell 

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THE ELUSIVE PIMPERNEL .. ,, Baroness Orezy 

A BBIDE OF THE PLAINS „ Baroness Oiczy 

PETTICOAT GOVERNMENT „ Baroness Orczy 

A TRUE WOMAN .. •• ,. Baroness Orczy 

MEADOWSWEET » Baroness Orczy 

A WELSH SIMGER „ AUen Ratoe 

TORN SAILS ». AUen Ralne 

BY BERV/EH BANKS „ Alien Raine 

THALASSA „ Mrs. Balllie Reynolds 

THE MAN WHO WON , Mrs. Baillie Reynolds 

THE DESERT DREAMERS , Kathlyn Rhodes 

THE WILL OF ALLAH „ Kathlyn Rhodes 

SWEET LIFE.. : „ Kathlyn Rhodes 

AFTERY/ARDS „ Kathlyn Rhodes 

THE MAKING OF A SOUL „ Kathlyn Rhodes 

THE LURE OF THE DESERT „ Kathlyn Rhodes 

THE LAD WITH WIKGS „ Berta Ruck 

THE COURTSHIP OF ROSAMOND FAYRE .. .. „ Berta Ruck 

HIS OFFICIAL FIANCEE „ Berta Ruck 

MISS MILLION'S MAID „ Berta Ruck 

THE GIRLS AT HIS BILLET » Berta Kuck 

ANTHONY WILDIMG „ Rafael Sabatmi 

LOVE AT ARMS m Rafael Sabatini 

THE PEARL FISHERS „ H, de Vere Stacpoole 

THE BLUE HORIZON ^ H. da Vere Stacpoole 

THE CHILDREN OF THE SEA „ H. da Vere Stacpoole 

CORPORAL 5ACQUE8-OF THE FOREIGN LEGION „ H. de Vere Stacpoole 

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LITTLE COMRADE „ Burton E. SteYenson 

By the Authors of " Missing the Tide." 
THE GEtANDEST THLNG IN THE WORU> (65th thotoasd) 

THE PEACE PRESIDENT : THE MAN OF THE HOUR By William Archer 
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22 



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FOR 1319 
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WHEN MICHAEL CAME TO TOWN By Madame Albaneai 



OUR ADYERSARY 

GA8RIELLE JANTHRY 

THE LION'S CLAWS 

TKE GOLDEN SWORD 

THE WHITE YAWL 

THE WATCHMAN 

THE SPY 

THE AVALANCHE 

THE GREED OF CONQUEST 

THE BUILDER 

THE TEKPLE OF LIES 

FROM CLUE TO CAPTURE 

KATE 01? KATE HALL 

CHIFFON'S MARRIAGE 

BY ORDER OF TKE CZAR 
MADEMOISELLE CELESTE 

TKE THREE BROTHERS 

THE GAMBLERS 

A QUAKER WOOING ... * ... 

LITANY LANE 

TKE INHERITANCE 

THE GREAT AGE 

MAX 

EVELYN'S STORY 

SHE WHO MEANT WELL 

VOLUMES ALREADY 
HEARTS AMD SWEETHEARTS ... 

POPPIES IN THE CORN 

THE SUNLIT HILLS 

THE MIXED DIVISIONS 

MY LADY FRIVOL 

IN OLD MADRAS 

THE SERPENT'S TOOTH 

GIVEN IN MARRIAGE 

THE PRINCESS OP NEW YORK ... 
ADAM'S CLAY 



„ M. E. Braddon 
„ J. B. Harris-Barland 
„ J. B. Harris-Burland 
,, J. B. Harris-BurlaHd 
„ J. B. Harris-Burland 
„ J. B. Harris-Barland 
,, J. B. Harris-Barland 
„ J. B. Harris-Burland 
„ J. B. Harris-Burland 
„ J. B. Harris-Barland 
„ J. B. Harris-Burland 
„ Dick Donovan 
„ Ellen Thorneycrof t Fowler 
„ "Gyp" 
„ Joseph Hatton 
„ A. F. Knight 
„ Eden Phillpotts 
„ William Le Queux 
„ Mrs. Fred Reynolds 
„ Margaret Baillie Saunders 
„ Una L. Siiberrad 
„ J. C. Snaith 
„ Mrs. K. C. Thurston 
„ Emma Jane Worboise 
„ Curtis Yorke 

PUBLISHED 

„ Madame Albaneai 

„ Madame Albanesi 

„ Madame Albanesi 
„ R. Y/. Campbell 
„ Rosa N. Carey 
„ Mrs. B. M. Croker 
„ Mrs. B. M. Croker 
„ Mrs. B. M. Croker 



1^ 



Cosmo Hamilton 
Cosmo Hamilton 



Htitchinson's 1/9 Novds already published— coctioued, 

'.GOOD OLD ANNA' By Mrs. Belloc Lowndes 

THE ONii ¥/H0 LOOKED ON ... „ F. F. Montre'sor 
THE GREAT WHITE HAND ... „ J. E. Muddock 

THE MONEY MASTER „ Sir Gilbert Parker 

THE UNDER SECRETARY ... „ William Le Queux 

CONFESSIONS OP A LADIES' MAN „ Wiliiani Le Queux 

HALF A TRUTH „"Rita" 

PERSUASIVE PEGGY „ Maravene Thompson 

THE WEB OF THE SPIDER ... „ H. B. Marriott Watson 

THE WIFE'S TRIALS „ Emma Jane Worboise 

THE LADIES' PARADISE „ Emile Zola 

THE MYSTERIES OF MARSEILLES ,^ Emile Zola 

In crown Svo, luith pictorial cover i 3 net. 

THE STRANGLEHOLD By Coralie Stanton and Heath Kos 

MISSING THE TIDE „ "One who knew her " 

(Pages from the life of Margaret Carson) 





NEW EDITIONS OF 

Deir^ Great Novc 

In crown 8vo, cloth, 3s. 6d. net. 

Printed on good paper vvitli most attractive pictorial wrapper 

The Hundredth Chance 

Now published for the first time in cheap form. 

The Hars of Iron 202nd Tho.-san. 

24 



) 



BmomG SECT. DEC 6 \gra" 



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CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET 



UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY 



TO 

D Mbrgenthau, Henry 

520 Secrets of the Bosphorus 

T8^J65 
1918